News
Public education in India has to jump many hoops
Successive governments have taken out the constitutional obligation towards education out of the educational policies. This takes out the fundamental right of universal education out of the equation thus giving rise to inequalities in the system.
Published
9 years agoon
By
TeamScoonews
That the New Education Policy has created waves much before it has officially become a policy is amply clear by the media coverage that it has generated, some for the big strides it aims to take while some negative coverage for the way the policy is being handled. The latest is the war of words between Human Resource Development Minister Smriti Irani and former Cabinet Secretary T.S.R. Subramanian over the report of the New Education Policy (NEP) committee headed by him. While Subramanian is threatening to make his report public; Smriti Irani counters by saying that this can only be considered after the States have sent in their responses to it. In fact, this tug of war is symptomatic of the manner in which the entire exercise of drafting the NEP has been carried out.
Smriti Irani claimed that the Narendra Modi government’s NEP was going to be the result of a collective effort of more than 2.6 lakh consultations around 13 themes earmarked for school education at gram panchayat, block, district, State, groups of States and national levels. These consultations took place through a list of questions supplied by the HRD Ministry to elicit recommendations which would serve as inputs for each of the themes for the Draft NEP document.
Now, the questionnaire couldn’t have been drafted by experts, which explains the surprising composition of the committee itself. Headed by a former Cabinet Secretary, it includes 3 retired government Secretaries and a former Director of the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT), J.S. Rajput, whose credentials are questionable since his participation in the “saffronisation” of textbooks during Murli Manohar Joshi’s tenure as HRD Minister in the previous National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government.
Available information, most of which is hearsay as the Ministry has refused to divulge any details, point out that no such scheduled meetings took place. Even if higher level meets did happen, they were orchestrated to legitimatise claims that recommendations represented “the voice of the people”, and that officials and education officers dominated proceedings at meetings where school principals, teachers, government invitees and some school management committee members were herded together. In this scenario, it is not surprising that the HRD Ministry has failed to make the content of the “people’s” recommendations publicly available. A similar lack of transparency shrouds the national and regional debates held by the University Grants Commission (UGC), the National University of Educational Planning and Administration (NUEPA), the NCERT and other national-level institutions.
This methodology shrouded in secrecy by the HRD Ministry is disturbing and problematic. Take for example the total lack of analysis of previous policies and no overview of the consequences of implementing the changes introduced by the National Policy on Education (NPE) 1986, its companion Programme of Action, and their modified versions (1992). Before the NPE, democratic goals and the guiding principles of equality and social justice articulated during the freedom struggle informed policies, although it soon became evident that successive governments failed to meet their constitutional obligations. It is no coincidence that the changes introduced by the NPE coincided with the adoption of the economic reforms programme by the Narasimha Rao government in 1991.
Since the NPE was in line with the economic reforms, it focussed on supplying the economy with employable human capital. It was through implementation of a series of missions and abhiyans to impart market-oriented “skills”, the lowest one being “functional literacy”. It needed a conceptual and curricular delinking of cognitive and aesthetic aptitudes from acquisition of the practical skills which were deemed sufficient for making the mass of citizens employable.
Completely violating the constitutional obligation to ensure universal free and compulsory education of comparable quality, the NPE introduced a policy provision for low-cost, poor quality, non-formal education (NFE) which was to be treated as “equivalent to schooling” for those children who could not “be expected to attend a full day at school”. This excluded a vast majority of children in the relevant age group from the formal system of education. With one swift stroke the NPE discriminated a large swath of students under the guise of providing employable capital.
However, NFE only prepared the ground for a policy of multitrack, discriminatory streams of education. Matters were to become far worse, as under pressure from the World Bank, the 1994 District Primary Education Programme (DPEP) introduced “low-cost” infrastructural and recruitment practices into the government school system across the country. The concept of para-teachers and contract teachers were introduced to cut costs. After the Fifth Pay Commission (1996), recruitment of permanent trained teachers was badly affected in most States. Yet, trained teachers were required to be available for official duty during Census, elections, health campaigns such as polio eradication, and now even “disaster management”. In came the Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) for improving quality and all these things resulted in driving the entire system to the brink of collapse.
Limitations of the RTE
While we read glorifying tales of the impact of RTE in the media how it is empowering the under-privileged to get their space under the education sun, the truth is that RTE has a horrible underbelly. RTE became the legal form of discrimination at every level. It excluded pre-school Early Childhood Care and Education for 0-5-year-olds. It excluded secondary education for 15-18-year-olds. It excluded the “special” government schools which were proof that governments could run schools when they were required to. But like already pointed out it provided us a peep into the future. The much-lauded and equally utilised 25% admission for children from the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) had a salutary effect by starting a public private partnership (PPP) model which today allows transfer of crores of rupees of public funds to high-fee charging and low-budget private schools alike.
The truth is that across the political spectrum this policy perspective has either been actively contributed to—if the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) governments brought in the NPE and the RTE, the NDA brought the 86th Amendment Bill which defined the limits of the RTE and the concept of knowledge as a “tradeable commodity”, and education as a “tradeable service”—or been accepted as the model of development by all governments in power. The Modi government’s Skill Development campaign not only rests on the foundation of the NPE 1986, but also requires the changes proposed to child labour laws allowing children less than 14 years of age to participate in hereditary trades.
Quick-fix solutions
Coming back to the approach used by the HRD Ministry. It is fundamentally flawed as even after “widespread” consultation has taken place, there is no vision, principle or logic on which one set of suggestions should have precedence over other alternatives. No strategy either underlies or could be formulated out this wasteful exercise, which flies in the face of government claims that there are no funds for education and has resulted in savage cuts made in budgetary allocations over the past 2 years.
However, miraculously this does not mean that an agenda is not being advanced. If on one hand, there is no vision for reviving the stagnant public education system, on the other hand, it has to be admitted that government “policy” is herding parents to the gates of commercialised private institutes. The NGO Pratham’s Annual Status of Education Report (ASER 2012) showed that in just 2 years after the implementation of the RTE Act, there was a 5.8% increase, up from 29.8% in 2010-11, in private school enrolment for primary (Classes I–V) students.
In State after State, governments are compelled to close or merge schools because students are deserting them. Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Karnataka, and even Himachal Pradesh and Kerala, once stellar examples of the success stories of the public education system, have stated that the policy is inevitable. Thousands of teachers are becoming redundant by the process of “rationalisation” because it saves public funds on paying their salaries. Holding on by a hairs length, people’s organisations in some States have been able to push back this dismantling of the state-funded and maintained school system for one more year.
Stark inequalities
Clearly, India’s education system is reproducing social inequalities and not removing them. Earlier the lack of political will to address caste, class and gender failed to universalise education, and today discriminatory policies are reinforcing inequality. Illiterate children are not a result of poverty but due to negative attitudes and misplaced priorities of policy (ASER 2015). Segregating the poor and the disadvantaged and educating them in institutions catering exclusively only to them will deny the fundamental right to education to a majority of children even as privilege masquerades as merit.
Regarding the medium of instruction, contrary to all egalitarian preferences for the mother tongue as the language of learning, fluency in English is driving even poor families to take on the crushing fee-burden of private “English medium” schools and is generating the self-defeating demand that government schools should shift from the vernacular to the English medium.
In this darkening scenario, a ray of light has been the recent landmark judgment of the Allahabad High Court (August 18, 2015) which emphasised the democratic and educational importance of shared schooling for children from all sections “. . . in changing society from grass-root level. The initial level mixing among all children will have different consequences.” It went on to say that the division of schools into “elite”, “semi-elite” and “common man’s schools” based on privilege and wealth have neither an educational basis nor social value in a democratic society.
“After more than 65 years of independence, these (common men’s) schools are still struggling to have basic amenities for children…. It is not difficult to understand why conditions of these schools have not improved. The reason is quite obvious and simple…. There is no real involvement of administration with these schools. Any person who has some capacity and adequate finances sends his child/children to elite and semi-elite primary schools. They do not even think of sending their wards for primary education to… third category schools, i.e. common men’s schools. The public administration therefore has no actual indulgence to see functioning and requirements of these schools.”
This enforced integration ordered by the court cannot be deemed a denial of “democratic choice” for the affluent elites because the judgment holds choice itself as the reason for the vast majority of India’s children being denied their fundamental right to education. The State government was thus directed to ensure that “the children/wards of government servants, semi-government servants, local bodies, representatives of people, judiciary and all such persons who receive any perk, benefit or salary, etc. from State exchequer or public fund, send their child/children/wards who are in age of receiving primary education, to primary schools run by Board… and ensure to make penal provisions for those who violate this condition”.
A resounding nod to the common school system
The judgment’s resounding endorsement of the Common School System in modern democratic societies is grounded in historical fact. No system of quality education has ever been universalised without the participation of the state. The judgment should not only be implemented forthwith in Uttar Pradesh. It should be extended to cover all States of India.
The other beacon of hope is the sustained struggle of students from numerous institutes of higher education to defend the democratic right to both knowledge and dissent.
So can we expect a radical change from the HRD Ministry? The “special touch” which the present regime has brought to the education system has more to do with bringing the system firmly under the official control of the Center with centrally sponsored Teachers’ Day events, Swachch Bharat campaigns, Sanskrit Week, compulsory sessions of the Prime Minister’s radio speeches, yoga days, and even decisions on which festivals children will be allowed to celebrate with their families.
In an underhanded style of working, historical and sociological facts are distorted to facilitate indoctrination through textbooks. Finally, Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh’s (RSS) student wing, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) being used to declare radical Ambedkarite, Marxist and even independent-minded university students and teachers as extremists and anti-nationals, initiating disciplinary action and even slapping charges of sedition against them are an undisguised threat to the future of the country’s educational institutions.
Clearly, the HRD Ministry has learnt nothing from its misadventures, and education and educational institutions will continue to be in turmoil.
This post is based on an article originally published here
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Education
Education Ministry Launches National Drive for Healthier, Safer Schools
Published
2 days agoon
June 3, 2025
The Department of School Education & Literacy (DoSEL), Ministry of Education, observed World No Tobacco Day on 31st May 2025 with a national workshop held at Rang Bhawan, Akashvani Bhawan. Inaugurated by Sanjay Kumar, Secretary, DoSEL, the event convened key stakeholders from the Ministries of Health, Home Affairs, NCERT, CBSE, UNODC, and State representatives, alongside students, civil society members, and domain experts.
During the workshop, Kumar launched the Nationwide School Challenge on Tobacco Awareness on the MyGov platform, set to begin on 10th June 2025. Aimed at student engagement, the initiative encourages schools across India to lead awareness campaigns. Participants also took the No-Tobacco Pledge, underscoring the shared responsibility of educators and communities in protecting students from tobacco exposure.
Kumar highlighted the alarming influence of tobacco advertising on youth and emphasised the importance of proactive involvement from School Management Committees (SMCs), parents, and local bodies to create tobacco-free campuses. Additional Secretary Anandrao V. Patil reinforced this message in his keynote, focusing on student health, well-being, and preventive education.
Other key speakers included CBSE Chairperson Rahul Singh, who spoke on the integration of health and wellness modules in schools, and Economic Advisor A. Srija, who stressed inter-sectoral collaboration for effective implementation of Tobacco-Free Educational Institutions (ToFEI) Guidelines.
Technical sessions covered mental health (Manodarpan), life skills education (Navchetna), the School Health Programme, and digital monitoring of ToFEI compliance. Experts from NCERT, CBSE, UNODC, and the Ministry of Health & Family Welfare contributed insights on embedding wellness in school ecosystems.
State nodal officers from Chandigarh, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, and Puducherry presented best practices—from dental health drives to creative student engagement tools like comics and animation. Efforts to contextualise ToFEI manuals in regional languages were also shared.
The workshop concluded with a call for consistent monitoring, awareness campaigns, and holistic health education to build tobacco-free, safe learning environments.
Education
Government School Enrolment Drops Across States, Centre Flags ‘Disturbing Trend’
Published
3 days agoon
June 2, 2025
A recent report by The Indian Express reveals a worrisome shift in India’s school enrolment patterns—more students are opting for private institutions, even in states with a robust network of government schools. During meetings held by the Ministry of Education with state officials in March–April 2025 to discuss projects under the Samagra Shiksha scheme, the Centre flagged this as a “disturbing trend.”
In states like Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, and Uttarakhand, the enrolment in unaided private schools has consistently risen despite government schools forming the majority in number. For instance, in Andhra Pradesh, 73% of schools are government-run, yet they account for just 46% of total student enrolment. Similarly, Telangana’s government schools form 70% of total schools but educate only 38% of students, compared to nearly 61% in private schools.
This trend isn’t isolated. Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Maharashtra, and several northeastern states have also reported declining numbers in government school enrolment. The Union Ministry has urged states to reverse this decline, citing the need for introspection and reform. In Tamil Nadu, for example, government schools make up 64% of the total but serve just 37% of the student population.
Interestingly, some states have responded by conducting Aadhaar-based “data cleansing” to explain the drops. Still, the Centre believes deeper, systemic issues—such as rising aspirations and perceptions of quality—are driving families towards private schooling.
The concern goes beyond statistics. According to UDISE+ 2023–24 data, 36% of total school enrolment in India (over 9 crore students) is now in private schools. In 2022–23, it was 33%. Pre-pandemic figures already indicated this steady rise.
Where Do Government Schools Go From Here?
The falling trust in government schools paints a grim picture—especially when education budgets face cuts and systemic reform remains slow. However, all is not lost. States like Madhya Pradesh are setting examples through initiatives like the CM Rise Schools, which aim to rejuvenate public education with upgraded infrastructure, teacher training, and modern pedagogy.
But such success stories remain scattered. Without strong policy backing, increased funding, and public support, the future of government schooling appears uncertain. In an era of aggressive privatisation—be it formal schooling or the booming coaching industry—government schools risk being sidelined unless urgently revitalised.
Why must they survive? Because they remain the only accessible option for millions, especially in rural and marginalised communities. They are not just institutions—they’re vehicles of social equity, offering a shot at mobility to those who may otherwise be left behind.
Education
Over 10,000 Unrecognised Schools in Bihar, Jharkhand: Education Ministry Flags Violation of RTE Act
Published
3 days agoon
June 2, 2025
In a startling revelation, the Ministry of Education has flagged that over 10,000 unrecognised schools are operating in Bihar and Jharkhand, enrolling more than 1.6 million students and employing over 88,000 teachers—despite being in violation of the Right to Education (RTE) Act, 2009.
Jharkhand has the highest number of unrecognised schools in India, with 5,879 such institutions enrolling over 8.3 lakh students and staffed by more than 46,000 teachers. Bihar follows with 4,915 unrecognised schools, catering to over 7.7 lakh students and 42,000 teachers.
These figures emerged during the 2025-26 Project Approval Board (PAB) meetings under the Samagra Shiksha scheme, held earlier this year. The Ministry stated that the existence of these schools goes against Section 19 of the RTE Act, which mandates that all pre-existing schools meet prescribed norms within three years of the Act’s implementation. Failure to comply should lead to withdrawal of recognition and closure of the institutions.
The Ministry has directed both states to take appropriate action, either by recognising these schools through proper channels or by ensuring their closure in accordance with legal norms. Notably, Jharkhand’s education department has formed district-level recognition committees and claims that many of these schools began operations before the RTE Act came into effect.
Additionally, the Ministry raised concerns over discrepancies in data regarding Out-of-School Children (OoSC). For 2023–24, Jharkhand reported 37,409 OoSC on the PRABANDH portal, whereas the NSSO survey for 2022–23 recorded 1,07,639 ‘never enrolled’ children aged 6–14. In Bihar, the contrast was even more stark: 33,285 OoSC on PRABANDH versus 6.27 lakh ‘never enrolled’ according to NSSO.
To address this gap, the Ministry has advised strict data monitoring and called for special enrolment drives, with full support from School Management Committees (SMCs), to bring every child back into the education system.
Education
PadhAI Conclave Highlights Urgent Role of Artificial Intelligence in Indian Education
Published
7 days agoon
May 29, 2025
Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan delivered the valedictory address at the PadhAI: Conclave on AI in Education, held in New Delhi and organised by the Centre of Policy Research and Governance (CPRG). The two-day conclave brought together senior policymakers, educationists, and technology experts to discuss the growing role of artificial intelligence in reshaping India’s education landscape.
In his address, Pradhan emphasised that artificial intelligence is not merely a technological tool, but a transformative force and a catalyst for innovation in education. “AI is a bridge between empathy and technology,” he said, underlining the need for India’s human intelligence to take the lead in the global AI revolution.
The Minister highlighted several initiatives undertaken by the government to promote AI in education, including the establishment of Centres of Excellence in AI and plans to promote AI integration in Indian languages. He stressed that leveraging AI to foster critical thinking in classrooms was no longer optional but essential, marking a transition from “chalkboards to chipsets.”
He also called upon academicians and technologists to collaborate on policy suggestions that would enable India to responsibly and effectively integrate AI in school and higher education systems.
The conclave featured a series of panel discussions and keynote addresses exploring how AI is transforming classroom teaching, expanding learning beyond the four walls, and the structural challenges that need to be addressed for effective implementation.
Notable speakers included Jitin Prasada, Minister of State for Commerce & Industry and Electronics & IT; Ashish Sood, Minister for Education and Higher Education, Delhi; Vineet Joshi, Secretary, Department of Higher Education and Chairperson, UGC; Abhishek Singh, CEO, IndiaAI Mission; Pankaj Arora, Chairperson, NCTE; Anil Sahasrabudhe, Chairman, NETF; Yogesh Singh, Vice Chancellor, University of Delhi; Sanjeev Bikhchandani, Co-founder, Info Edge; and Rashmi Das, Chairperson, Higashi Autism School.
The event concluded with a call for increased collaboration between the public and private sectors to harness AI for inclusive and accessible education.
Education
University of Liverpool to Open First International Campus in Bengaluru by 2026
Published
1 week agoon
May 28, 2025
In a significant development for India’s higher education sector, the University of Liverpool—one of the United Kingdom’s most prestigious academic institutions and a member of the Russell Group—has announced plans to establish its first international campus in Bengaluru. The university aims to commence operations by 2026.
This marks the first time a Russell Group university, often likened to the Ivy League for UK higher education, will set up a physical campus in India. Known for its world-class research and academic rigour, the University of Liverpool was founded in 1881 and has produced nine Nobel laureates. Its entry into the Indian education landscape is expected to bolster the globalisation of Indian higher education and widen access to top-tier international programmes.
Initially, the Bengaluru campus will offer undergraduate and postgraduate courses in Business Management, Accounting and Finance, Computer Science, Biomedical Sciences, and Game Design—making it the first UK university to offer these programmes from within India. The range of disciplines is expected to expand over time.
Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah hailed the development as a “landmark moment” in the state’s educational journey. “For many years, our brightest minds left the country to study abroad. Today, a top global university is choosing to come here,” he said, adding that the government would ensure full support through policy and infrastructure.
In a move to bridge industry and academia, the university also signed an MoU with Bengaluru-based IT major Wipro to collaborate on research, innovation, and skill-building programmes.
Education
Curriculum Controversy at Delhi University: Academic Voices Clash Over Syllabus Overhaul
Published
1 week agoon
May 27, 2025
Delhi University’s Executive Council (EC) has approved sweeping curriculum revisions that have sparked sharp protests from faculty members, igniting a fresh debate over academic freedom, ideological influence, and the future of higher education in India. The changes, ratified during the EC’s 1,275th meeting, affect multiple departments including Psychology, Sociology, and English, and introduce new programmes in journalism and nuclear medicine.
Among the most contentious shifts is the removal of conflict-based case studies from the Psychology of Peace paper. Case references to Kashmir, Palestine, India-Pakistan relations, and the Northeast have been replaced with conflict-resolution examples drawn from Indian epics like the Mahabharata and Bhagavad Gita. Similarly, a Sociology paper has dropped foundational thinkers like Karl Marx and Thomas Robert Malthus, along with key sections such as the Sociology of Food and the critical lens on the Sociology of Law.
Faculty members are sounding the alarm. As per a story in Business Standard, EC member and Associate Professor at Kirori Mal College, Rudrashish Chakraborty, called the changes “a complete disregard for disciplinary expertise” and warned they could severely damage DU’s global academic standing.
At the heart of the backlash is a deeper concern about ideological overreach in curriculum design. Critics say the move replaces rigorous, research-based frameworks with selectively religious narratives, undermining the pluralism that once defined Indian academia.
Why These Topics Were in the Curriculum in the First Place
Incorporating geopolitical issues like Kashmir and Palestine in social science syllabi wasn’t about courting controversy—it was about helping students understand conflict, diplomacy, and peace-building through lived realities. Scholars like Marx and Malthus, often labelled as ideologues, contributed frameworks that shaped global discourse on inequality, population, labour, and social justice. To erase them from academic memory is not just selective—it’s intellectually dishonest.
Their inclusion wasn’t about promoting one ideology over another but about exposing students to a spectrum of thought. If academic institutions stop encouraging intellectual plurality, they risk becoming echo chambers that simply mirror prevailing politics.
What Could Have Been Done Differently
If the aim was truly to Indianise or decolonise the curriculum—as has been cited in many recent reforms—it could have been done with scholarly rigour. Including Indian thinkers alongside global ones, offering critical engagement rather than replacement, and developing interdisciplinary modules that draw on Indian social realities would have strengthened rather than diluted the curriculum.
A meaningful curriculum reform should be inclusive, consultative, and pedagogically sound. Instead, these changes appear abrupt and top-down, with several faculty members alleging they were not adequately consulted. As one member remarked, “Modernisation cannot come at the cost of academic autonomy.”
The counter to a whitewashed curriculum should not be to do the exact opposite. Figures like Karl Marx are not just ideologists; their legacies extend beyond nation-states. They presented global ideas that remain relevant to Indian society, especially in an age grappling with inequality and labour rights.
And religion—while an important part of many societies—must never dominate education policy. When one faith is elevated in academic materials meant for students of all backgrounds, it chips away at the secular fabric of our democracy.
Replacing complex geopolitical issues with religious scripture is not only pedagogically flawed—it’s, frankly, a dangerous precedent.
New Programmes and Policy Decisions
Beyond the curriculum overhaul, DU has also announced the launch of a two-year M.A. in Journalism in both Hindi and English, and a BSc in Nuclear Medicine Technology, to be offered at the Army Hospital (R&R) for Armed Forces Medical Services personnel. The EC also introduced a new policy for determining teacher seniority, with age taking precedence over API scores when qualifications are equal.
A committee has been constituted to assess the implications of a DoPT circular mandating periodic review of employees aged 50 and above—raising concerns about forced retirement policies within the university system.
As the NEP rollout moves ahead, universities like DU need to walk the path wisely. Reforms should fuel learning, not push a story. Education isn’t meant to box students into ideologies—it’s meant to open minds, spark debate, and shape citizens who can think for themselves. Our classrooms should dig deeper, not go narrow. We can’t afford to swap knowledge for one-sided thinking.
Education
CBSE Directs Schools to Map Mother Tongues, Pushes for Multilingual Classrooms in Foundational Years
Published
1 week agoon
May 26, 2025
In a significant step towards multilingual education, the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) has issued a directive asking all affiliated schools to begin mapping the mother tongues of students from pre-primary to Class 5. The move aligns with the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and the National Curriculum Framework for School Education (NCFSE) 2023, both of which advocate for the use of the child’s home language in early education.
In a circular dated May 22, CBSE encouraged schools to adopt the child’s mother tongue—or a familiar regional language referred to as R1—as the medium of instruction, particularly from pre-primary to Class 2. From Classes 3 to 5, students may either continue with R1 or be introduced to a second language (R2) for instruction.
While CBSE has previously recommended the use of mother tongue in classrooms, this circular signals a stronger push, potentially paving the way for it to become compulsory in the future. The Board has advised schools to start aligning their academic content with this change by the end of the summer break, although a flexible timeline has been offered.
The rationale behind this shift is grounded in research: young children grasp concepts better when taught in the language they speak at home. With NEP and NCFSE both promoting concept-based, multilingual learning, CBSE’s decision aims to make foundational education more accessible and meaningful.
To support this transition, schools are required to form NCF implementation committees by the end of May. These teams will oversee language mapping, adapt teaching materials, and coordinate teacher training for multilingual education. Starting in July, schools must also submit monthly progress reports, and academic observers may visit institutions to offer feedback and support.
NCERT has already made textbooks for Classes 1 and 2 available in 22 Indian languages, with higher-grade translations underway. The aim is clear—bring the school closer to the home, linguistically and emotionally, for India’s youngest learners.
Education
Ministry of Education Launches Month-Long Nationwide Drive to Make Schools and Colleges Tobacco-Free
Published
1 week agoon
May 26, 2025
In a decisive step to protect students from the dangers of tobacco and substance abuse, the Ministry of Education has launched a nationwide enforcement campaign urging all States and Union Territories to make educational institutions completely tobacco- and substance-free zones. The announcement follows the 8th Apex Committee meeting of the Narco-Coordination Centre (NCORD), chaired by the Ministry of Home Affairs, which highlighted the urgent need to safeguard India’s youth.
The Department of School Education and Literacy (DoSEL), through Secretary Sanjay Kumar, has called for strict implementation of the Tobacco-Free Educational Institutions (ToFEI) guidelines. This month-long enforcement drive will begin on May 31, 2025—World No Tobacco Day—and continue until June 26, 2025, which marks the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking.
The move comes at a time when rising tobacco use among adolescents has become a growing concern. According to the Global Youth Tobacco Survey (GYTS-2), 2019, over 8.5% of Indian students aged 13–15 use tobacco in some form, and shockingly, 5,500 children in India start using tobacco every day. Studies have shown that tobacco is often a gateway to more dangerous forms of substance abuse, and its easy availability around schools further adds to the challenge.
To combat this, the ToFEI guidelines mandate a comprehensive nine-point action plan for schools and colleges, which includes the display of signage, awareness campaigns, inclusion of tobacco policies in the school code of conduct, and nominating tobacco monitors. However, two key activities that demand immediate support from local authorities are:
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Marking a yellow line 100 yards around all educational institutions to designate them as tobacco-free zones.
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Ensuring no tobacco sales within that 100-yard radius, in line with Section 6(b) of the Cigarettes and Other Tobacco Products Act (COTPA), 2003.
Local enforcement agencies have been urged to work with school authorities to implement these measures on the ground. A previous advisory from the Ministry of Home Affairs in November 2024 had already reinforced the need for strict action on these fronts.
The Ministry has also appealed for the involvement of teachers, parents, and School Management Committees (SMCs) in creating safer environments for students. Schools are encouraged to report any violations to the local police and help enforce the guidelines without fear of repercussions. States have been advised to develop a Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) to facilitate this process.
To raise awareness, the Ministry has launched the ‘World No Tobacco Day Awareness Quiz – 2025’ on the MyGov platform. Open from May 22 to July 21, the quiz is aimed at students, educators, and the general public to educate them about the dangers of tobacco in an engaging and informative way.
Link: https://quiz.mygov.in/quiz/world-no-tobacco-day-awareness-quiz/
As India strives to harness its youthful demographic for a healthier and brighter future, the Ministry’s campaign is a call to action—urging all stakeholders to come together and make educational spaces truly safe, healthy, and drug-free.
Education
Banu Mushtaq’s International Booker Win Is a Wake-Up Call for Indian Schools to Reclaim Literature
Published
2 weeks agoon
May 22, 2025
When Banu Mushtaq became the first Kannada author to win the prestigious International Booker Prize for her short story collection Heart Lamp, she didn’t just make literary history—she reignited a conversation about the role of literature in shaping society, and the way schools can nurture future writers not just as hobbyists, but as cultural forces.
Mushtaq, along with translator Deepa Bhasthi, was honoured for Heart Lamp, a collection of stories chronicling the lives of Muslim women in Karnataka across three decades. The stories are rooted in resistance, critique of religious and patriarchal structures, and everyday courage. The recognition was not just for the literary craft, but for the emotional and moral clarity the stories offer—a kind of truth that is rarely rewarded in global spaces. But the International Booker did just that.
And yet, how many students in Indian classrooms today know what the Booker Prize even is? While the Grammys, Oscars and even YouTube Play Buttons are common cultural currency among young people, literary awards often pass under the radar. This needs to change.
The International Booker Prize is one of the most prestigious literary honours in the world, recognising the finest works of fiction translated into English. It opens up space for voices that often remain local to reach a global stage. For students in India, this is an opportunity to understand that writing, especially in regional languages, is not a dead-end path. Yes, it may not offer the instant gratification of a viral video or influencer deal—but as Mushtaq’s life proves, it can shape public discourse, win global accolades, and leave behind a legacy that matters.
For educators, this is a teaching moment. Banu Mushtaq’s story is as much about literary merit as it is about resilience. She wrote in Kannada, a language she adopted over her native Urdu. She survived deep personal trauma, including a suicide attempt, and faced social backlash for her activism. She was a councillor, a journalist, and a lifelong advocate for women’s rights. These are the kinds of role models classrooms should be spotlighting—especially for young girls who need to see that stories, quite literally, can change lives.
Heart Lamp may not be appropriate for every age group, but its themes—identity, voice, justice—can be introduced in many ways. Schools should consider book discussions, literary circles, or even creative writing prompts inspired by such works to encourage students to find their voice, in whatever language or form it may come.
This win is also a reminder that educators need to broaden the definition of success they present to students. STEM, coding, and commerce continue to dominate career conversations, but it’s equally crucial to show that the arts—especially literature—have their own path to impact and influence. We hope for a time when young writers are not asked “what else do you do?” but are valued for what their words bring to the world.
Banu Mushtaq’s Booker Prize win is not just an individual triumph—it’s a collective opportunity. For schools, for students, and for all of us who believe that a powerful story can change minds, communities, and someday, the world.
Education
Kerala Reimagines Schooling: Social Awareness Over Syllabi in Bold New Reforms
Published
2 weeks agoon
May 22, 2025
Kerala’s Department of Public Education is steering its schools in a direction few others in the country have ventured. With a growing emphasis on emotional well-being, civic sense, and digital discipline, the state has announced a series of reforms that aim to reframe the purpose and process of schooling in the 2025–26 academic year.
The most striking of these changes is the introduction of a two-week social awareness programme at the beginning of the school year for students from Classes 1 to 10, starting June 2. Higher secondary students will take part in a shorter version of the initiative from July 18. In this period, traditional textbooks will be set aside in favour of sessions that explore topics like drug abuse prevention, responsible social behaviour, emotional regulation, hygiene, gender sensitivity, and legal awareness.
The programme was designed in consultation with experts from the Police Department, Social Justice Ministry, Child Rights Commission, SCERT, and others, ensuring that content is both relevant and age-appropriate. Arts and sports will also be given space during this period, further promoting a holistic approach to education.
In addition to curriculum shifts, the department has issued a directive asking teachers not to create or share reels and videos on social media platforms during school hours. This move comes in light of growing concerns about distractions and the professional image of educators in the digital age.
These reforms reflect a deeper philosophical shift. Education Minister V Sivankutty’s vision seems to be one where schooling is not only about academic advancement but also about nurturing responsible, resilient individuals. While some critics may question the timing or implementation capacity of these reforms, the global education landscape suggests Kerala may be on the right track. Countries like Finland and New Zealand have already incorporated social-emotional learning and life skills into their core curricula, recognising that academic performance alone does not prepare students for an unpredictable world.
Are these reforms necessary? Given rising cases of student stress, substance abuse, and digital addiction, the answer may well be yes. By introducing these changes early in the academic calendar, Kerala is making a case for front-loading empathy, awareness, and life-readiness—concepts that are increasingly critical but often delayed in traditional schooling.
Whether this is a bold experiment or the beginning of a national shift remains to be seen. But there’s little doubt that other states will be watching closely.
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