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Public education in India has to jump many hoops

Successive governments have taken out the constitutional obligation towards education out of the educational policies. This takes out the fundamental right of universal education out of the equation thus giving rise to inequalities in the system.

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That the New Education Policy has created waves much before it has officially become a policy is amply clear by the media coverage that it has generated, some for the big strides it aims to take while some negative coverage for the way the policy is being handled. The latest is the war of words between Human Resource Development Minister Smriti Irani and former Cabinet Secretary T.S.R. Subramanian over the report of the New Education Policy (NEP) committee headed by him. While Subramanian is threatening to make his report public; Smriti Irani counters by saying that this can only be considered after the States have sent in their responses to it. In fact, this tug of war is symptomatic of the manner in which the entire exercise of drafting the NEP has been carried out.

Smriti Irani claimed that the Narendra Modi government’s NEP was going to be the result of a collective effort of more than 2.6 lakh consultations around 13 themes earmarked for school education at gram panchayat, block, district, State, groups of States and national levels. These consultations took place through a list of questions supplied by the HRD Ministry to elicit recommendations which would serve as inputs for each of the themes for the Draft NEP document.

Now, the questionnaire couldn’t have been drafted by experts, which explains the surprising composition of the committee itself. Headed by a former Cabinet Secretary, it includes 3 retired government Secretaries and a former Director of the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT), J.S. Rajput, whose credentials are questionable since his participation in the “saffronisation” of textbooks during Murli Manohar Joshi’s tenure as HRD Minister in the previous National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government.

Available information, most of which is hearsay as the Ministry has refused to divulge any details, point out that no such scheduled meetings took place. Even if higher level meets did happen, they were orchestrated to legitimatise claims that recommendations represented “the voice of the people”, and that officials and education officers dominated proceedings at meetings where school principals, teachers, government invitees and some school management committee members were herded together. In this scenario, it is not surprising that the HRD Ministry has failed to make the content of the “people’s” recommendations publicly available. A similar lack of transparency shrouds the national and regional debates held by the University Grants Commission (UGC), the National University of Educational Planning and Administration (NUEPA), the NCERT and other national-level institutions.

This methodology shrouded in secrecy by the HRD Ministry is disturbing and problematic. Take for example the total lack of analysis of previous policies and no overview of the consequences of implementing the changes introduced by the National Policy on Education (NPE) 1986, its companion Programme of Action, and their modified versions (1992). Before the NPE, democratic goals and the guiding principles of equality and social justice articulated during the freedom struggle informed policies, although it soon became evident that successive governments failed to meet their constitutional obligations. It is no coincidence that the changes introduced by the NPE coincided with the adoption of the economic reforms programme by the Narasimha Rao government in 1991.

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Since the NPE was in line with the economic reforms, it focussed on supplying the economy with employable human capital. It was through implementation of a series of missions and abhiyans to impart market-oriented “skills”, the lowest one being “functional literacy”. It needed a conceptual and curricular delinking of cognitive and aesthetic aptitudes from acquisition of the practical skills which were deemed sufficient for making the mass of citizens employable.

Completely violating the constitutional obligation to ensure universal free and compulsory education of comparable quality, the NPE introduced a policy provision for low-cost, poor quality, non-formal education (NFE) which was to be treated as “equivalent to schooling” for those children who could not “be expected to attend a full day at school”. This excluded a vast majority of children in the relevant age group from the formal system of education. With one swift stroke the NPE discriminated a large swath of students under the guise of providing employable capital.

However, NFE only prepared the ground for a policy of multitrack, discriminatory streams of education. Matters were to become far worse, as under pressure from the World Bank, the 1994 District Primary Education Programme (DPEP) introduced “low-cost” infrastructural and recruitment practices into the government school system across the country. The concept of para-teachers and contract teachers were introduced to cut costs. After the Fifth Pay Commission (1996), recruitment of permanent trained teachers was badly affected in most States. Yet, trained teachers were required to be available for official duty during Census, elections, health campaigns such as polio eradication, and now even “disaster management”. In came the Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) for improving quality and all these things resulted in driving the entire system to the brink of collapse.

Limitations of the RTE

While we read glorifying tales of the impact of RTE in the media how it is empowering the under-privileged to get their space under the education sun, the truth is that RTE has a horrible underbelly. RTE became the legal form of discrimination at every level. It excluded pre-school Early Childhood Care and Education for 0-5-year-olds. It excluded secondary education for 15-18-year-olds. It excluded the “special” government schools which were proof that governments could run schools when they were required to. But like already pointed out it provided us a peep into the future. The much-lauded and equally utilised 25% admission for children from the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) had a salutary effect by starting a public private partnership (PPP) model which today allows transfer of crores of rupees of public funds to high-fee charging and low-budget private schools alike.

The truth is that across the political spectrum this policy perspective has either been actively contributed to—if the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) governments brought in the NPE and the RTE, the NDA brought the 86th Amendment Bill which defined the limits of the RTE and the concept of knowledge as a “tradeable commodity”, and education as a “tradeable service”—or been accepted as the model of development by all governments in power. The Modi government’s Skill Development campaign not only rests on the foundation of the NPE 1986, but also requires the changes proposed to child labour laws allowing children less than 14 years of age to participate in hereditary trades.

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Quick-fix solutions

Coming back to the approach used by the HRD Ministry. It is fundamentally flawed as even after “widespread” consultation has taken place, there is no vision, principle or logic on which one set of suggestions should have precedence over other alternatives. No strategy either underlies or could be formulated out this wasteful exercise, which flies in the face of government claims that there are no funds for education and has resulted in savage cuts made in budgetary allocations over the past 2 years.

However, miraculously this does not mean that an agenda is not being advanced. If on one hand, there is no vision for reviving the stagnant public education system, on the other hand, it has to be admitted that government “policy” is herding parents to the gates of commercialised private institutes. The NGO Pratham’s Annual Status of Education Report (ASER 2012) showed that in just 2 years after the implementation of the RTE Act, there was a 5.8% increase, up from 29.8% in 2010-11, in private school enrolment for primary (Classes I–V) students.

In State after State, governments are compelled to close or merge schools because students are deserting them. Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Karnataka, and even Himachal Pradesh and Kerala, once stellar examples of the success stories of the public education system, have stated that the policy is inevitable. Thousands of teachers are becoming redundant by the process of “rationalisation” because it saves public funds on paying their salaries. Holding on by a hairs length, people’s organisations in some States have been able to push back this dismantling of the state-funded and maintained school system for one more year.

Stark inequalities

Clearly, India’s education system is reproducing social inequalities and not removing them. Earlier the lack of political will to address caste, class and gender failed to universalise education, and today discriminatory policies are reinforcing inequality. Illiterate children are not a result of poverty but due to negative attitudes and misplaced priorities of policy (ASER 2015). Segregating the poor and the disadvantaged and educating them in institutions catering exclusively only to them will deny the fundamental right to education to a majority of children even as privilege masquerades as merit.

Regarding the medium of instruction, contrary to all egalitarian preferences for the mother tongue as the language of learning, fluency in English is driving even poor families to take on the crushing fee-burden of private “English medium” schools and is generating the self-defeating demand that government schools should shift from the vernacular to the English medium.

In this darkening scenario, a ray of light has been the recent landmark judgment of the Allahabad High Court (August 18, 2015) which emphasised the democratic and educational importance of shared schooling for children from all sections “. . . in changing society from grass-root level. The initial level mixing among all children will have different consequences.” It went on to say that the division of schools into “elite”, “semi-elite” and “common man’s schools” based on privilege and wealth have neither an educational basis nor social value in a democratic society.

“After more than 65 years of independence, these (common men’s) schools are still struggling to have basic amenities for children…. It is not difficult to understand why conditions of these schools have not improved. The reason is quite obvious and simple…. There is no real involvement of administration with these schools. Any person who has some capacity and adequate finances sends his child/children to elite and semi-elite primary schools. They do not even think of sending their wards for primary education to… third category schools, i.e. common men’s schools. The public administration therefore has no actual indulgence to see functioning and requirements of these schools.”

This enforced integration ordered by the court cannot be deemed a denial of “democratic choice” for the affluent elites because the judgment holds choice itself as the reason for the vast majority of India’s children being denied their fundamental right to education. The State government was thus directed to ensure that “the children/wards of government servants, semi-government servants, local bodies, representatives of people, judiciary and all such persons who receive any perk, benefit or salary, etc. from State exchequer or public fund, send their child/children/wards who are in age of receiving primary education, to primary schools run by Board… and ensure to make penal provisions for those who violate this condition”.

A resounding nod to the common school system

The judgment’s resounding endorsement of the Common School System in modern democratic societies is grounded in historical fact. No system of quality education has ever been universalised without the participation of the state. The judgment should not only be implemented forthwith in Uttar Pradesh. It should be extended to cover all States of India.

The other beacon of hope is the sustained struggle of students from numerous institutes of higher education to defend the democratic right to both knowledge and dissent.

So can we expect a radical change from the HRD Ministry? The “special touch” which the present regime has brought to the education system has more to do with bringing the system firmly under the official control of the Center with centrally sponsored Teachers’ Day events, Swachch Bharat campaigns, Sanskrit Week, compulsory sessions of the Prime Minister’s radio speeches, yoga days, and even decisions on which festivals children will be allowed to celebrate with their families.

In an underhanded style of working, historical and sociological facts are distorted to facilitate indoctrination through textbooks. Finally, Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh’s (RSS) student wing, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) being used to declare radical Ambedkarite, Marxist and even independent-minded university students and teachers as extremists and anti-nationals, initiating disciplinary action and even slapping charges of sedition against them are an undisguised threat to the future of the country’s educational institutions.

Clearly, the HRD Ministry has learnt nothing from its misadventures, and education and educational institutions will continue to be in turmoil.

This post is based on an article originally published here

Education

Indian Students Flock to Singapore, Ireland, and Dubai for Higher Studies: 38% Surge Recorded

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Indian students are increasingly looking beyond traditional study-abroad destinations like the United States, United Kingdom, and Australia. According to a recent report by Gradding.com, a study-abroad platform, the number of Indian students choosing countries like Singapore, Ireland, and Dubai has surged by 38%. This trend marks a significant shift in the preferences of Indian students seeking global education.

While the US, UK, and Australia have long been popular choices, the tightening of immigration policies and restrictive post-study visa rules in these countries have caused a decline in student interest. Canada experienced the biggest drop in Indian student enrollments at 41%, followed by the UK with a 27.7% decline and the US with 13%. In contrast, Singapore, Ireland, and Dubai have become preferred alternatives due to their globally recognised institutions, affordable education, and strong job markets.

Mamta Shekhawat, founder of Gradding.com, highlighted the changing landscape, stating, “The evolving preferences of Indian students reflect a transformative shift in global education dynamics. With destinations like Singapore, Ireland, and Dubai offering quality education, affordability, and strong career prospects, we’re witnessing a more informed and strategic approach to overseas education.”

The numbers reinforce this shift. The total number of Indian students studying abroad rose from 750,365 in 2022 to 892,989 in 2023, with a notable increase in those opting for lesser-explored destinations. Singapore, for instance, recorded a 25% year-on-year growth in Indian student enrolment.

The rise of these new destinations is attributed to their student-friendly policies, industry partnerships, and focus on emerging sectors such as finance, technology, and healthcare. As Indian students continue to explore alternative destinations, universities in Singapore, Ireland, and Dubai are expected to see a steady influx, reshaping the global education map.

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Operation Sindoor and Operation Abhyaas: Navigating School Safety and Student Well-being Amid Rising Tensions

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Operation Sindoor: Schools Implement Precautionary Measures Amid Rising Tensions

In the wake of escalating tensions between India and Pakistan following the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack, the Indian government has launched Operation Sindoor, targeting terrorist infrastructure across the border. This military action has prompted heightened security measures nationwide, including the closure of schools in several border districts and the initiation of Operation Abhyaas—a nationwide civil defence mock drill aimed at bolstering emergency preparedness.

As a precautionary step, educational institutions in border districts of Punjab (Ferozepur, Pathankot, Fazilka, Amritsar, Gurdaspur), Rajasthan (Ganganagar, Hanumangarh, Bikaner, Jaisalmer, Barmer), and Jammu & Kashmir have been temporarily closed. These closures aim to ensure the safety of students and staff amid potential cross-border hostilities. 

Operation Abhyaas: Enhancing Emergency Preparedness

Simultaneously, the Ministry of Home Affairs has initiated Operation Abhyaas, a comprehensive civil defence exercise conducted across 244 districts. This drill encompasses activities such as air-raid siren tests, blackout simulations, evacuation procedures, and public training sessions. In Delhi, for instance, 55 locations are participating in the drill, involving students, teachers, and civil defence volunteers. 

Addressing Student Anxiety and Promoting Well-being

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The current climate of uncertainty and the implementation of mock drills can understandably lead to anxiety among students. Educators and school administrators play a pivotal role in mitigating these concerns:

  • Open Communication: Provide age-appropriate explanations about the drills and current events, reassuring students about the measures taken for their safety.

  • Emotional Support: Encourage students to express their feelings and provide support through counseling services or designated safe spaces within the school.

  • Routine and Normalcy: Maintain regular school routines to provide a sense of stability and normalcy for students.

  • Parental Involvement: Engage with parents to keep them informed and involved in addressing their children’s concerns.

While the current geopolitical situation necessitates heightened security and preparedness, it is crucial to balance these measures with the emotional and psychological well-being of students. Through proactive communication, support, and engagement, educators can help students navigate these challenging times with resilience and understanding.

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CUET-UG 2025 Likely to be Postponed, Fresh Dates Expected Soon

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The Common University Entrance Test for Undergraduate admissions (CUET-UG) 2025, originally scheduled to commence on May 8, is likely to be postponed, according to sources close to the National Testing Agency (NTA). While an official confirmation is still awaited, fresh dates for the examination are expected to be announced shortly.

The delay follows the recently concluded NEET-UG examination—an extensive exercise that required significant logistical oversight, especially as NEET had faced scrutiny last year over alleged integrity lapses.

Despite the approaching exam date, the NTA has yet to release the subject-wise date sheet for CUET-UG 2025, adding to the anticipation and confusion among over 1.35 million applicants—marking the highest-ever number of registrations for the exam since its inception.

This year, CUET-UG will be conducted exclusively in Computer-Based Test (CBT) mode, signifying a notable departure from the hybrid format adopted in 2024. The hybrid model was introduced to accommodate varied digital access across regions, but also led to logistical complications. In fact, the 2024 CUET-UG exam was abruptly cancelled across Delhi the night before it was scheduled due to operational constraints.

The first edition of CUET-UG in 2022 was marred by technical issues and inconsistencies across multiple shifts, necessitating a complex score normalisation process. The shift to a fully CBT format this year is expected to streamline operations, but the current delay and lack of clarity raise questions about preparedness.

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As undergraduate admissions in central universities and several private institutions are now tied to CUET-UG, any delay in the exam calendar has a cascading effect on the academic schedule.

Students and stakeholders are advised to monitor the official NTA website for updates on the revised dates and examination guidelines.

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Pradhan Mantri Rashtriya Bal Puraskar 2025: Nominations Now Open for India’s Young Achievers

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The Ministry of Women and Child Development, Government of India, has officially opened nominations for the prestigious Pradhan Mantri Rashtriya Bal Puraskar (PMRBP) 2025, a national-level award that celebrates the exceptional achievements of children across the country. The last date to submit nominations is 31st July 2025, and applications must be submitted online via the official Rashtriya Puraskar Portal.

Open to children aged between 5 and 18 years as on 31 July 2025, the PMRBP recognises outstanding contributions in six categories: Bravery, Social Service, Environment, Sports, Art & Culture, and Science & Technology. Children may be nominated by individuals or institutions, and self-nominations are also allowed.

To apply, nominators must register on the Rashtriya Puraskar Portal with essential details such as name, date of birth, contact information, and Aadhaar number. After logging in, users must select “Pradhan Mantri Rashtriya Bal Puraskar 2025” under the ongoing nominations section. The application requires a detailed description (maximum 500 words) of the nominee’s achievement and its societal impact, along with supporting documents and a recent photograph.

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The award, conferred annually by the President of India at a ceremonial function in New Delhi, is regarded as one of the highest civilian honours for children. It aims to inspire India’s youth by showcasing exemplary stories of courage, innovation, and leadership among peers.

At a time when young people are shaping conversations on climate, technology, arts, and inclusive change, initiatives like the PMRBP are a powerful reminder that excellence can begin early—and deserves national recognition.

For detailed eligibility criteria and application guidelines, visit https://awards.gov.in.

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CBSE Finally Comes to Rancho’s School: Druk Padma Karpo Breaks a 24-Year Wait

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Druk Padma Karpo School in Ladakh receives CBSE affiliation | Image Source- dwls.org

Over two decades since it first opened its doors to the children of the mountains, Druk Padma Karpo School in Ladakhpopularly known as Rancho’s School from the iconic film 3 Idiots—has officially received affiliation from the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE). This marks a significant milestone for the cold desert institution that has long stood at the intersection of innovative education and cinematic fame.

A Long Journey to Recognition

Founded in 2001 and lauded for its unconventional teaching methods and sustainable campus, the school was until recently affiliated with the Jammu and Kashmir State Board of School Education (JKBOSE). Despite meeting high academic and infrastructural standards, the school faced delays in securing the necessary No Objection Certificate (NOC) from JKBOSE.

“We had been trying to get CBSE affiliation even before Ladakh became a Union Territory,” shared Principal Mingur Angmo. “Now, with the affiliation in place, our first batch of Class 10 students has already appeared for their CBSE board exams.”

The affiliation brings with it new opportunities: the school is preparing to expand its offerings up to Class 12 by 2028 and is currently training its teachers to align with CBSE’s evolving curriculum—especially in the wake of the National Education Policy 2020 (NEP 2020).

Where Cinema Meets Classroom

Made famous as the backdrop for several scenes in 3 Idiots, including the now-legendary “Rancho’s Wall,” Druk Padma Karpo has become a frequent stop for tourists visiting Ladakh. The wall was relocated in 2018 to reduce disruptions to the school’s learning environment, but its legacy continues.

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Even today, visitors are occasionally allowed to witness school activities, like student-led mock elections and sustainability projects. The school’s philosophy blends hands-on learning with real-world problem-solving—long before such practices became policy prescriptions.

A Symbol of Change for Ladakh’s Schools

The CBSE affiliation is more than a moment of celebration for Druk Padma Karpo—it sets a precedent for other schools in Ladakh still affiliated with JKBOSE. With discussions about forming a separate territorial education board underway, this development might serve as a roadmap for institutions in similar limbo.

More importantly, CBSE affiliation opens pathways for Druk Padma Karpo’s students to pursue higher education and career opportunities across India and abroad, thanks to the broader recognition of the national board’s credentials.

As Principal Angmo noted, “Our approach to education has always been different—focused on understanding rather than rote learning. With CBSE now also moving towards competency-based teaching after NEP, we’re optimistic about merging our ethos with national reforms.”

The story of Druk Padma Karpo School is a reminder that good education can come from the most unexpected places—sometimes even from a windswept plateau framed by the Himalayas. With its blend of tradition and transformation, the school now embarks on a new chapter—one where storytelling, cinema, sustainability, and structured pedagogy go hand in hand.

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Caste Census: A New Chapter in Our Social Sciences Textbook?

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India’s caste census returns—time for classrooms to catch up (This image is generated using AI)

For the first time since 1931, India is set to conduct a nationwide caste census—a move that has stirred political headlines and, perhaps, textbook margins too.

Announced officially by the Union Government this week, the caste enumeration will be included in the upcoming national census, marking a significant shift in how demographic data is collected and analysed. While states like Bihar have recently undertaken caste surveys, this is the first time in post-independence India that the Centre has agreed to officially gather detailed caste data, beyond the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) traditionally documented since 1951.

📚 So, what exactly is a caste census?

Think of it as a social snapshot. A caste census doesn’t just count—it maps. It records the distribution of caste groups across India and looks at their access to education, employment, housing, and welfare. The aim is to help policymakers understand who’s thriving, who’s still struggling, and where gaps remain.

🏫 Why should schools care?

Because this isn’t just data for government files—it’s a lesson in equity, diversity, and history.

The caste census is more than a bureaucratic exercise. It’s an opportunity for educators to unpack centuries of India’s complex social structure and help young minds make sense of why some policies exist in the first place. Reservation, affirmative action, social justice—these are not just chapter headings. They’re real-world mechanisms built on understanding where society stands.

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For school students, this could be a way to understand that historical inequality doesn’t disappear just because it’s uncomfortable to discuss. Including caste enumeration as a case study in Social Science classes can foster honest, inclusive conversations about privilege, access, and opportunity.

We can rightly put it by saying, “Understanding caste isn’t about division, it’s about awareness.”

🏛️ From 1931 to 2025: What changed?

Under British rule, caste was recorded in every Census between 1881 and 1931. After independence, India stopped documenting caste broadly, focusing only on SCs and STs. The last comprehensive attempt was the 2011 Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC), but its data was never officially released due to questions around accuracy.

This latest announcement, therefore, is more than a policy decision—it’s a social reckoning.

And while political parties like the Congress have long demanded such a survey, arguing it’s crucial for equitable development, its inclusion now provides a teachable moment for the education system.

✏️ Making it student-friendly

Here’s how schools can make the caste census more accessible and meaningful to students:

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  • Storytelling through data: Use infographics and classroom discussions to show how socio-economic progress varies across communities.

  • Project-based learning: Let students study their local area’s access to public services—schools, hospitals, ration shops—and link it back to the idea of representation.

  • Debate and dialogue: Create spaces where students can discuss reservations, inclusion, and diversity with sensitivity and empathy.

  • Historical comparisons: Encourage students to trace how the Census evolved over time and what it tells us about India’s changing priorities.

In an age of growing data literacy, this is a golden chance to show students how numbers can tell stories—and how those stories can shape policy and perception.

Because education isn’t just about teaching history—it’s about helping students read between the lines of it.

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Delhi Approves Landmark Bill to Regulate School Fees Across 1,677 Institutions

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Delhi CM Rekha Gupta | Image Source- PTI

In a move poised to bring relief to thousands of parents, the Delhi government has approved the Delhi School Education Transparency in Fixation and Regulation of Fees 2025 Bill. The draft legislation, passed during a cabinet meeting chaired by Chief Minister Rekha Gupta, aims to regulate and standardise the fee structure in all 1,677 schools across the capital—including private, aided, and unaided institutions.

Addressing the media, Chief Minister Gupta termed the decision “historic and brave,” stating that for the first time, a “foolproof” framework would be established to bring fee transparency across all types of schools in Delhi. “There was no prior mechanism to regulate fee hikes. This Bill will ensure a clear guideline and procedure that schools must follow,” she said.

The development comes amid a rising number of complaints from parents regarding steep and unexplained fee hikes. The Chief Minister also highlighted growing concerns about alleged student harassment in the name of unpaid or increased fees.

To implement the new regulations, Education Minister Ashish Sood announced the formation of a three-tier committee system. These panels will be responsible for reviewing and approving fee structures every three years, factoring in a school’s infrastructure, facilities, and resources.

In a notable step towards inclusive governance, the committees will include three teachers and five parents, selected through a draw of lots. These members will collaboratively determine the permissible fee slabs, thereby ensuring both transparency and stakeholder participation.

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The government’s move is also part of a broader crackdown on schools accused of imposing arbitrary and excessive fees. Education officials confirmed that investigations are underway and that regulatory action will follow wherever needed.

As part of its education reform efforts under the National Education Policy 2020, the Delhi government’s focus on equity, accountability, and participatory decision-making marks a significant shift in how school finances are monitored in the national capital.

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NCERT Class 7 Textbooks Updated: Mughals Removed, Focus on Indian Ethos and Pilgrimage

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A new chapter unfolds: From Mughal legacies to ancient Indian dynasties, NCERT’s latest textbook revisions reframe the story of India’s past.

In a fresh revision of Class 7 Social Science textbooks, the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) has dropped all content related to the Mughals and the Delhi Sultanate, introducing instead chapters on ancient Indian dynasties and sacred pilgrimage sites. The changes come as part of the implementation of the National Curriculum Framework for School Education (NCFSE) 2023, aligned with the broader goals of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020.

The revised textbook, Exploring Society: India and Beyond, now includes detailed accounts of dynasties like the Magadha, Mauryas, Shungas, and Sātavāhanas, aiming to present what officials describe as a curriculum reflecting “Indian ethos.” The chapter “How the Land Becomes Sacred” introduces students to sacred geographies associated with various faiths—ranging from the Char Dham and 12 Jyotirlingas to revered sites in Islam, Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism, and Sikhism.

A quote by India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, describing the country as a land of pilgrimages, also finds mention in this context.

The latest revision marks a continuation of the syllabus rationalisation exercise initiated during the COVID-19 pandemic. At the time, references to the Mughal Empire, Tughlaqs, Khaljis, Mamluks, and Lodis were shortened; however, this is the first instance where all such sections have been completely removed. PTI reports that the second part of the textbook is still under development, though NCERT has not confirmed whether the omitted material will be reinstated.

The chapter on India’s Constitution has been revised to include contemporary civic developments, such as the 2004 Supreme Court ruling that allowed citizens to fly the national flag as a matter of expression under the Fundamental Rights.

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Additionally, a section on the varna-jati system notes that while the structure may have once offered social order, it became rigid over time—particularly during colonial rule—resulting in widespread social disparities. A paragraph on the Maha Kumbh highlights the event’s scale, citing a participation of 660 million people, although it omits the stampede incident in which over 30 pilgrims lost their lives.

The NCERT revisions have drawn strong reactions from several quarters. Critics, particularly from opposition parties, have described the overhaul as selectively editing history to fit political narratives. Meanwhile, the NCERT has maintained that the exercise is rooted in pedagogical clarity and cultural relevance.

Speaking last year on textbook changes, NCERT Director Dinesh Prasad Saklani remarked that content involving riots or graphic events might make young children negative citizens—a rationale also used to justify the removal of passages referring to the 2002 Gujarat riots in other textbooks.

While the academic intent may be to streamline and contextualise history education, educationists have pointed out that the act of omitting chapters from textbooks does not erase them from history itself. As historian Romila Thapar once noted, “History that is not taught does not cease to exist; it only ceases to be questioned.”

With the second part of the textbook pending release, educators and parents alike await clarity on how Indian history will continue to be presented to the next generation of learners.

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Aalamaram 2025: Where Indian Educators Came Together to Grow, Reflect, and Lead

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"Aalamaram", the Tamil word for Banyan Tree, symbolises knowledge, growth, and interconnectedness.

Under the inspiring metaphor of the “Aalamaram” (banyan tree), over 100 educators from across India gathered at Akshar Arbol International School (ECR) for Aalamaram 2025—a vibrant two-day professional learning exchange organised by Astra in collaboration with Study Melbourne. Hosted by Akshar Arbol International School, the event blossomed into a living, breathing ecosystem of ideas, reflections, and meaningful connections.

From the opening session on April 21st, Aalamaram 2025 emphasised mutual respect and authentic dialogue. Schools shared their values and visions before diving into multiple breakout sessions on inquiry-based learning, middle school education, and empowering students through sustainability initiatives.

One standout story emerged during a session on middle school transformation, where an educator described how student-driven initiatives evolved into a full-fledged environmental council—a powerful testament to the potential of project-based learning beyond textbooks.

Reflecting on the event, Ms. Fizza Kachwala, Middle School Coordinator, Bombay International School, said,

“Katha, exploring Peter Senge’s 5 Disciplines, was the most impactful session for me. The Human Library is definitely something I want to replicate back at my school. It’s rare to be part of an experience where every voice matters.”

Post-lunch sessions explored the intersection of AI ethics and education, led by Dr. Chetan Arora of Monash University, Melbourne, and continued with literacy circles, graded reading programmes, and reimagining libraries as spaces of dialogue and curiosity.

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Ms. Divya Samvit, Head of School, Heartfulness International School (Omega Branch), added,

“This was absolutely fantastic—coming together with this kind of focus has been absolutely pathbreaking. It’s a much-needed vitamin dose for us educators to keep our passion alive.”

The event also beautifully showcased emotional wellbeing initiatives, like Heartfulness International’s work on the Happy Schools framework, and sessions on sustaining joy and resilience in schools.

Day two deepened the experience. It began with the Human Library, where educators shared personal stories of change, and a mesmerising performance, Kathaa, which brought Peter Senge’s Five Disciplines to life through performing arts.

“Seeing leadership theory come alive through storytelling and dance was transformative,” shared several participants.

Ms. Anjali Karpe (Deputy Head) and Ms. Supriya Atal (Director of Studies) from Bombay International School remarked,

“The conceptualisation of Aalamaram—knowledge, growth, interconnectedness—was brought to life so beautifully through every session. The continuum of science skills, AI ethics discussions, and leadership exploration were highlights. We returned nourished and inspired.”

The leadership roundtable, Lead Forward, facilitated by CEO Coach Mr. R. Ramkumar, offered a powerful reminder that leadership development creates ripple effects throughout school ecosystems.

By the time everyone gathered for the closing Vanakkam tea, it was clear: Aalamaram 2025 was not merely a conference—it was a beginning. A reaffirmation that educators are the roots holding up the canopy of India’s future.

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Each conversation, each story, each shared breakthrough was a seed—and across the country, those seeds are already starting to grow.

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Education

India Bids Farewell to NEP Architect Dr K. Kasturirangan

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Dr Krishnaswamy Kasturirangan- the man who was behind the NEP | Image Source- PTI

India mourns the loss of one of its brightest minds today—Dr Krishnaswamy Kasturirangan, who passed away in Bengaluru at the age of 84. A scientist, reformer, statesman, and visionary, Dr Kasturirangan’s legacy spans the infinite stretches of space to the heart of Indian classrooms. His passing marks the end of an era—but his vision will continue to chart the path for generations.

From Cosmos to Curriculum: A Life of Purpose

Born in Ernakulam, Kerala, on 24 October 1940, Dr Kasturirangan’s intellectual journey began with a degree in Physics from Bombay University, followed by a PhD in high-energy astronomy under the legendary Dr Vikram Sarabhai. His career soon took flight—literally—when he joined the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO).

As Chairman of ISRO from 1994 to 2003, he led India’s rise as a formidable space power. Under his stewardship, landmark achievements such as the operationalisation of PSLV, the debut of GSLV flights, and the launch of Earth-observation satellites like IRS-1C/1D and OCEANSAT-1 were realised. He laid the groundwork for India’s future moon missions, nurturing the dream of Chandrayaan long before it became a reality.

Yet it was not enough for Dr Kasturirangan to reach for the stars. After conquering the cosmos, he turned his formidable energies towards shaping the minds that would define India’s future on Earth.

The “NEP Man of India”

If ISRO made him a legend, it was education reform that cemented his place as a national architect. Appointed Chairperson of the Drafting Committee of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, Dr Kasturirangan led one of the most participative and transformative policy-building exercises in independent India’s history.

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Under his leadership, the NEP was reimagined not just as a curriculum document but as a vision for an equitable, flexible, and 21st-century-ready education system. His reforms focused on holistic learning, critical thinking, foundational literacy, and most importantly, inclusion. It was no surprise that he earned the affectionate title: “NEP Man of India.”

His work championed the belief that India’s young minds must be nurtured with curiosity, not just conformity—a philosophy that will live on in every reformed classroom and every empowered student.

Beyond Science and Education

Dr Kasturirangan’s contributions extended into governance and policy-making. He served in the Rajya Sabha (2003–2009), advised the Planning Commission, and participated in numerous national scientific initiatives. His accolades include the Padma Shri (1982), Padma Bhushan (1992), and Padma Vibhushan (2000), some of the highest civilian honours India bestows.

A Tribute from a Grateful Nation

In his condolence message, Prime Minister Narendra Modi described him as “a towering figure in India’s scientific and educational journey, whose vision will guide generations to come.” Indeed, his life’s work remains a lighthouse for India—both in outer space and within its classrooms.

Dr Kasturirangan is survived by two sons and a deeply grateful scientific and educational community that pledges to carry forward his twin passions: exploration and enlightenment.

At ScooNews, we believe that every student sitting in a vibrant, inquiry-driven classroom today is walking a path illuminated by Dr Kasturirangan’s vision. May his journey among the stars continue, and may his dream of an educated, empowered India always shine bright.

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