News
Public education in India has to jump many hoops
Successive governments have taken out the constitutional obligation towards education out of the educational policies. This takes out the fundamental right of universal education out of the equation thus giving rise to inequalities in the system.
That the New Education Policy has created waves much before it has officially become a policy is amply clear by the media coverage that it has generated, some for the big strides it aims to take while some negative coverage for the way the policy is being handled. The latest is the war of words between Human Resource Development Minister Smriti Irani and former Cabinet Secretary T.S.R. Subramanian over the report of the New Education Policy (NEP) committee headed by him. While Subramanian is threatening to make his report public; Smriti Irani counters by saying that this can only be considered after the States have sent in their responses to it. In fact, this tug of war is symptomatic of the manner in which the entire exercise of drafting the NEP has been carried out.
Smriti Irani claimed that the Narendra Modi government’s NEP was going to be the result of a collective effort of more than 2.6 lakh consultations around 13 themes earmarked for school education at gram panchayat, block, district, State, groups of States and national levels. These consultations took place through a list of questions supplied by the HRD Ministry to elicit recommendations which would serve as inputs for each of the themes for the Draft NEP document.
Now, the questionnaire couldn’t have been drafted by experts, which explains the surprising composition of the committee itself. Headed by a former Cabinet Secretary, it includes 3 retired government Secretaries and a former Director of the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT), J.S. Rajput, whose credentials are questionable since his participation in the “saffronisation” of textbooks during Murli Manohar Joshi’s tenure as HRD Minister in the previous National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government.
Available information, most of which is hearsay as the Ministry has refused to divulge any details, point out that no such scheduled meetings took place. Even if higher level meets did happen, they were orchestrated to legitimatise claims that recommendations represented “the voice of the people”, and that officials and education officers dominated proceedings at meetings where school principals, teachers, government invitees and some school management committee members were herded together. In this scenario, it is not surprising that the HRD Ministry has failed to make the content of the “people’s” recommendations publicly available. A similar lack of transparency shrouds the national and regional debates held by the University Grants Commission (UGC), the National University of Educational Planning and Administration (NUEPA), the NCERT and other national-level institutions.
This methodology shrouded in secrecy by the HRD Ministry is disturbing and problematic. Take for example the total lack of analysis of previous policies and no overview of the consequences of implementing the changes introduced by the National Policy on Education (NPE) 1986, its companion Programme of Action, and their modified versions (1992). Before the NPE, democratic goals and the guiding principles of equality and social justice articulated during the freedom struggle informed policies, although it soon became evident that successive governments failed to meet their constitutional obligations. It is no coincidence that the changes introduced by the NPE coincided with the adoption of the economic reforms programme by the Narasimha Rao government in 1991.
Since the NPE was in line with the economic reforms, it focussed on supplying the economy with employable human capital. It was through implementation of a series of missions and abhiyans to impart market-oriented “skills”, the lowest one being “functional literacy”. It needed a conceptual and curricular delinking of cognitive and aesthetic aptitudes from acquisition of the practical skills which were deemed sufficient for making the mass of citizens employable.
Completely violating the constitutional obligation to ensure universal free and compulsory education of comparable quality, the NPE introduced a policy provision for low-cost, poor quality, non-formal education (NFE) which was to be treated as “equivalent to schooling” for those children who could not “be expected to attend a full day at school”. This excluded a vast majority of children in the relevant age group from the formal system of education. With one swift stroke the NPE discriminated a large swath of students under the guise of providing employable capital.
However, NFE only prepared the ground for a policy of multitrack, discriminatory streams of education. Matters were to become far worse, as under pressure from the World Bank, the 1994 District Primary Education Programme (DPEP) introduced “low-cost” infrastructural and recruitment practices into the government school system across the country. The concept of para-teachers and contract teachers were introduced to cut costs. After the Fifth Pay Commission (1996), recruitment of permanent trained teachers was badly affected in most States. Yet, trained teachers were required to be available for official duty during Census, elections, health campaigns such as polio eradication, and now even “disaster management”. In came the Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) for improving quality and all these things resulted in driving the entire system to the brink of collapse.
Limitations of the RTE
While we read glorifying tales of the impact of RTE in the media how it is empowering the under-privileged to get their space under the education sun, the truth is that RTE has a horrible underbelly. RTE became the legal form of discrimination at every level. It excluded pre-school Early Childhood Care and Education for 0-5-year-olds. It excluded secondary education for 15-18-year-olds. It excluded the “special” government schools which were proof that governments could run schools when they were required to. But like already pointed out it provided us a peep into the future. The much-lauded and equally utilised 25% admission for children from the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) had a salutary effect by starting a public private partnership (PPP) model which today allows transfer of crores of rupees of public funds to high-fee charging and low-budget private schools alike.
The truth is that across the political spectrum this policy perspective has either been actively contributed to—if the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) governments brought in the NPE and the RTE, the NDA brought the 86th Amendment Bill which defined the limits of the RTE and the concept of knowledge as a “tradeable commodity”, and education as a “tradeable service”—or been accepted as the model of development by all governments in power. The Modi government’s Skill Development campaign not only rests on the foundation of the NPE 1986, but also requires the changes proposed to child labour laws allowing children less than 14 years of age to participate in hereditary trades.
Quick-fix solutions
Coming back to the approach used by the HRD Ministry. It is fundamentally flawed as even after “widespread” consultation has taken place, there is no vision, principle or logic on which one set of suggestions should have precedence over other alternatives. No strategy either underlies or could be formulated out this wasteful exercise, which flies in the face of government claims that there are no funds for education and has resulted in savage cuts made in budgetary allocations over the past 2 years.
However, miraculously this does not mean that an agenda is not being advanced. If on one hand, there is no vision for reviving the stagnant public education system, on the other hand, it has to be admitted that government “policy” is herding parents to the gates of commercialised private institutes. The NGO Pratham’s Annual Status of Education Report (ASER 2012) showed that in just 2 years after the implementation of the RTE Act, there was a 5.8% increase, up from 29.8% in 2010-11, in private school enrolment for primary (Classes I–V) students.
In State after State, governments are compelled to close or merge schools because students are deserting them. Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Karnataka, and even Himachal Pradesh and Kerala, once stellar examples of the success stories of the public education system, have stated that the policy is inevitable. Thousands of teachers are becoming redundant by the process of “rationalisation” because it saves public funds on paying their salaries. Holding on by a hairs length, people’s organisations in some States have been able to push back this dismantling of the state-funded and maintained school system for one more year.
Stark inequalities
Clearly, India’s education system is reproducing social inequalities and not removing them. Earlier the lack of political will to address caste, class and gender failed to universalise education, and today discriminatory policies are reinforcing inequality. Illiterate children are not a result of poverty but due to negative attitudes and misplaced priorities of policy (ASER 2015). Segregating the poor and the disadvantaged and educating them in institutions catering exclusively only to them will deny the fundamental right to education to a majority of children even as privilege masquerades as merit.
Regarding the medium of instruction, contrary to all egalitarian preferences for the mother tongue as the language of learning, fluency in English is driving even poor families to take on the crushing fee-burden of private “English medium” schools and is generating the self-defeating demand that government schools should shift from the vernacular to the English medium.
In this darkening scenario, a ray of light has been the recent landmark judgment of the Allahabad High Court (August 18, 2015) which emphasised the democratic and educational importance of shared schooling for children from all sections “. . . in changing society from grass-root level. The initial level mixing among all children will have different consequences.” It went on to say that the division of schools into “elite”, “semi-elite” and “common man’s schools” based on privilege and wealth have neither an educational basis nor social value in a democratic society.
“After more than 65 years of independence, these (common men’s) schools are still struggling to have basic amenities for children…. It is not difficult to understand why conditions of these schools have not improved. The reason is quite obvious and simple…. There is no real involvement of administration with these schools. Any person who has some capacity and adequate finances sends his child/children to elite and semi-elite primary schools. They do not even think of sending their wards for primary education to… third category schools, i.e. common men’s schools. The public administration therefore has no actual indulgence to see functioning and requirements of these schools.”
This enforced integration ordered by the court cannot be deemed a denial of “democratic choice” for the affluent elites because the judgment holds choice itself as the reason for the vast majority of India’s children being denied their fundamental right to education. The State government was thus directed to ensure that “the children/wards of government servants, semi-government servants, local bodies, representatives of people, judiciary and all such persons who receive any perk, benefit or salary, etc. from State exchequer or public fund, send their child/children/wards who are in age of receiving primary education, to primary schools run by Board… and ensure to make penal provisions for those who violate this condition”.
A resounding nod to the common school system
The judgment’s resounding endorsement of the Common School System in modern democratic societies is grounded in historical fact. No system of quality education has ever been universalised without the participation of the state. The judgment should not only be implemented forthwith in Uttar Pradesh. It should be extended to cover all States of India.
The other beacon of hope is the sustained struggle of students from numerous institutes of higher education to defend the democratic right to both knowledge and dissent.
So can we expect a radical change from the HRD Ministry? The “special touch” which the present regime has brought to the education system has more to do with bringing the system firmly under the official control of the Center with centrally sponsored Teachers’ Day events, Swachch Bharat campaigns, Sanskrit Week, compulsory sessions of the Prime Minister’s radio speeches, yoga days, and even decisions on which festivals children will be allowed to celebrate with their families.
In an underhanded style of working, historical and sociological facts are distorted to facilitate indoctrination through textbooks. Finally, Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh’s (RSS) student wing, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) being used to declare radical Ambedkarite, Marxist and even independent-minded university students and teachers as extremists and anti-nationals, initiating disciplinary action and even slapping charges of sedition against them are an undisguised threat to the future of the country’s educational institutions.
Clearly, the HRD Ministry has learnt nothing from its misadventures, and education and educational institutions will continue to be in turmoil.
This post is based on an article originally published here
The Ministry of Education’s Department of School Education and Literacy (DoSEL) has joined the Government of India’s Special Campaign 5.0, running from 2nd to 31st October 2025. The campaign focuses on institutionalising cleanliness (Swachhata), improving efficiency in governance, and enhancing the physical environment of schools across India.
A key goal of the campaign is to ensure that schools provide a clean, safe, and engaging atmosphere for students. States and Union Territories have been encouraged to carry out whitewashing, repainting, and minor repairs such as maintaining functional toilets, fixing flooring, and replastering walls. Refurbishing name boards, reclaiming unused spaces, and improving campus aesthetics are also part of the drive.
To make school environments more vibrant, schools are being encouraged to create murals and wall art inspired by traditional Indian art forms such as Madhubani, Kalamkari, and Warli. These creative efforts will not only beautify campuses but also serve as Building as Learning Aid (BaLA) resources, helping students connect with India’s cultural heritage.
Community involvement forms a central part of Special Campaign 5.0. The Ministry is encouraging schools to involve alumni and local communities through the Vidyanjali platform — a DoSEL initiative that connects volunteers and supporters with government and aided schools. Panchayati Raj Institutions are also being engaged to help local schools upgrade and maintain their infrastructure.
Beyond school-level improvements, the campaign also aims to enhance efficiency in governance. Government offices are reviewing, categorising, and clearing obsolete physical and digital records, while systematically indexing and digitising important files. This process is expected to declutter offices, optimise space, and improve workflow management.
The Department of School Education and Literacy is coordinating with all stakeholders to make cleanliness, participation, and efficiency integral to school operations. The Ministry envisions the campaign as a step towards creating cleaner campuses, more efficient systems, and a stronger sense of ownership within the education ecosystem.
The National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) has launched a new educational module titled ‘Swadeshi’, aiming to instil the values of self-reliance and national pride among school students. The initiative aligns with the vision of building an Atmanirbhar Bharat and draws inspiration from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s address on the 79th Independence Day.
The Swadeshi Module highlights the broader meaning of self-reliance, extending beyond trade and economics to include confidence, innovation, and national capability. It recalls the Prime Minister’s message that self-reliance is directly linked to a nation’s strength and ability to progress, emphasising that a decline in self-reliance can lead to a loss of capability and confidence.
Tracing its roots to India’s freedom struggle, the module revisits the 1905 Bengal Partition, when Indians boycotted British goods and turned towards indigenous products. It portrays the Swadeshi movement as both an act of resistance and a creative force that gave rise to Indian industries and enterprises.
According to NCERT, the new module encourages students to see Swadeshi not just as a historical concept but as a living philosophy that continues to shape India’s modern identity. It connects the values of the freedom movement with today’s national initiatives such as Make in India, Start-up India, Digital India, Vocal for Local, and Atmanirbhar Bharat. Each of these programmes, the module explains, reinforces India’s pursuit of self-reliance through innovation, entrepreneurship, and local production.
By introducing this module, NCERT aims to nurture a generation of students who understand the importance of creating, producing, and innovating within India, fostering both self-belief and collective national responsibility.
Saahas, a Delhi-based non-profit organisation founded by Class 11 student Navya Mrig of The Ram School, Moulsari, Gurugram, is creating awareness about organ donation and working to counter myths that prevent families from giving timely consent.
Established in 2024, Saahas focuses on every aspect of organ donation, particularly deceased organ donation where family approval must be granted quickly. The organisation highlights that hesitation and misinformation often stop families from making decisions that could save lives.
To address this, Saahas conducts workshops, myth-busting talks, and seminars in schools, resident welfare associations, hospitals, and workplaces. These sessions explain processes such as brain-stem death certification and the role of family consent in simple, clear terms. Each session concludes with practical guidance, ensuring participants leave with both knowledge and actionable steps.
The initiative has also developed resource kits with slide decks, facilitator notes, QR-linked checklists, and referral contacts to make it easier for schools and institutions to host repeatable sessions. Saahas partners with community groups and healthcare institutions to co-host Q&A sessions with clinicians and transplant coordinators, and also honours donor and recipient families through small ceremonies that highlight the impact of organ donation.
At its core, Saahas is designed to bring organ donation discussions into everyday spaces rather than waiting for the urgency of hospital decisions. By focusing on conversations in classrooms, community meetings, and staff rooms, the organisation aims to gradually build a culture where organ donation is better understood and more widely accepted.
Navya’s initiative reflects how young people are increasingly taking up important social causes and contributing to public awareness campaigns with structured, replicable models.
(News Source- ANI)
A recent report by India Today has put the spotlight on the deep contradictions in how India treats its teachers. While the profession is revered in public discourse and celebrated in ceremonies, the reality of poor pay, massive vacancies, and crushing workloads threatens the future of quality education in the country.
The report, authored by Megha Chaturvedi, shares the story of a government school teacher in rural Bihar who manages five grades, multiple subjects, administrative duties, and a long commute — all for a monthly pay of just ₹12,000. It is a picture that repeats across India, where respect is high but reward is missing.
Respect vs Pay
According to UDISE+ 2024–25 data, India’s teaching workforce has crossed 1 crore, with women making up 54.2%. Yet, over 1 million teaching posts remain vacant, concentrated in states like Uttar Pradesh (3.2 lakh) and Bihar (2.2 lakh). More than 1 lakh schools still run with just a single teacher, and some rural institutions report zero enrolment.
Teacher salaries are shockingly unequal. Permanent government teachers may earn ₹35,000 to ₹60,000 per month with benefits, but guest or contractual teachers often earn between ₹6,500 and ₹12,500, with delays stretching into months. Even in metro private schools, where parents pay lakhs in annual fees, teachers may take home just 2–10% of that amount.
International comparisons highlight the gap further. India ranks among the top 10 nations for respect towards teachers, yet falls to the bottom when it comes to pay and working conditions.
The Consequences
Low pay and insecure contracts drive talented graduates away from teaching. Those who stay face burnout from handling multiple grades or excessive administrative duties. Morale suffers when salaries are delayed, creating inequality between well-paid urban private school teachers and struggling rural counterparts. The result is a two-tiered system where students’ learning is directly compromised.
Policy Moves
Some states have taken steps. Karnataka recently raised guest teacher pay to ₹12,000–₹12,500, though teachers demand at least ₹30,000. Bihar and West Bengal have launched recruitment drives to fill thousands of vacancies. But reforms remain piecemeal. The India Today report makes it clear that modest hikes are not enough to match workload or cost of living, and insecurity continues to define contractual positions.
What Needs to Change
India may call its teachers “gurus” but without dignified salaries, stability, and recognition, the profession risks becoming even less attractive to young graduates. For education to thrive, teaching must be seen as a rewarding and respected career. ScooNews has been consistently working to spotlight teacher voices and celebrate educators who innovate against the odds. Yet change cannot come from media or policy alone. We need educators themselves to step up and demand better, and institutions to stop treating education as a business rather than a public service.
A practical way forward would include setting a national minimum pay scale of at least ₹30,000 per month for all full-time teachers, clearing the backlog of 1 million vacancies within the next three years, and ensuring strict timelines for salary disbursement. Governments and boards must invest at least 6% of GDP into education as repeatedly recommended, with a clear allocation for teacher training, well-being, and incentives. Schools must commit a fixed percentage of fee revenue directly to teacher salaries, while also offering pathways for career growth through research, leadership roles, and international exposure.
Teaching is perhaps the most undervalued profession in the nation today. If India is to build a future-ready generation, it must invest in its teachers with the same seriousness it reserves for infrastructure or defence. Respect in words is not enough. Teachers must be valued in pay, dignity, and opportunity.
You can read the full report here.
Education
NCERT to Grant Equivalence to Class 10 and 12 Certificates Across Boards for Admissions and Jobs
The Government of India has entrusted the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) with the responsibility of granting equivalence to Secondary (Class 10) and Senior Secondary (Class 12) certificates issued by different School Education Boards in the country. This equivalence will apply for admissions to higher education institutions and eligibility for employment under the Central and State Governments as well as Union Territories.
The notification, published in the e-Gazette on 6 September 2025 by the Department of School Education and Literacy, Ministry of Education, supersedes the earlier order of 15 November 2021 which had assigned this responsibility to the Association of Indian Universities (AIU).
Under the new arrangement, NCERT will discharge this responsibility through its National Assessment Centre, Performance Assessment, Review and Analysis of Knowledge for Holistic Development (PARAKH). Established under the provisions of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, PARAKH has been tasked with creating a robust, academically rigorous framework for determining equivalence while upholding the highest educational standards.
The system will apply to all recognised Indian School Boards established by an Act of Parliament or State legislature, by executive orders of the Central or State Governments, or by statutory bodies with the mandate to run school education. By placing the responsibility with NCERT, the government aims to streamline equivalence and reduce complications for students moving between boards.
The notification further clarifies that once NCERT grants equivalence, it will automatically be considered as inter-se parity among all recognised boards in India. This will smoothen student mobility across boards, ensuring that certificates are universally recognised for both academic progression and employment opportunities at the national level.
The Government is working on incorporating skill-based learning into the curriculum of Classes 11 and 12, in line with the recommendations of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020. Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan announced the move during the Dakshinapatha Summit 2025 held at the Indian Institute of Technology, Madras.
Pradhan emphasised that India’s education system needs a paradigm shift, moving beyond degree and certificate-oriented models to competency-based approaches. “We are on the job to introduce skill-based curriculum of Class 11 and 12,” he said, underlining the importance of preparing students for a rapidly evolving world of work.
According to the Minister, one of the central recommendations of the NEP 2020 is skill-based education. While previously optional, skilling will now become a formal part of schooling, starting as early as Class 6. The new curriculum will integrate areas such as computer coding, drone technology, and artificial intelligence, alongside conventional subjects like mathematics and languages. “Now, we are planning to introduce skilling also. It is a new era. We have to train our youngsters and align them with the new curriculum structure,” Pradhan explained.
The Minister highlighted examples of innovation emerging from IIT Madras, including student-led startups. He thanked IIT-M Director Kamakoti and his team for promoting and facilitating young talent. He also noted how the NEP has enabled students excelling in fields such as sports and music to access IIT programmes, which were previously out of reach.
Pradhan reiterated that languages play a crucial role in communication, adding that knowledge of multiple languages, including Tamil, reflects India’s cultural and intellectual vibrancy. On the same occasion, he interacted with students from Tamil Nadu government schools who had joined IIT Madras through the ‘IITM for All’ initiative, particularly its four-year online BS Data Science programme.
With over 1.75 lakh startups in India, Pradhan noted that the education system must support a shift from job-seeking to job-creating. He described the NEP 2020 as a philosophical document guiding the country towards the vision of Viksit Bharat by 2047.
Source: PTI
The Maharashtra state education department has announced an ambitious plan to send 51 finalists of its school-level science project competitions on an educational tour to the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) every year. The initiative, however, still awaits final approval despite having been cleared in principle by Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis earlier this year.
Minister of State for School Education Pankaj Bhoyar explained that the move is designed to recognise the efforts of students beyond prize-winning entries. “The state education department organises science project competitions at various levels. While we extend prizes to the best projects, the efforts taken by students who do not win prizes should also be given their due recognition. Therefore, the plan to honour their efforts was formulated,” he said.
According to the proposal, students with the top 21 projects from the tehsil-level competition will be taken to visit a science centre at the division level. Winners of the top 51 projects at the district level will be taken to the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) headquarters in Bengaluru. The final 51 students selected at the state-level competition will be taken on a study tour to NASA. The programme has been named the Chief Minister Vidyarthi Vigyan Vari.
Officials within the department have confirmed that the proposal requires an annual budget of around Rs 3 crore for the NASA trip. While the costs for tehsil and district-level visits will be met through District Planning and Development Council (DPDC) funds, the NASA tour requires state-level approval. “We hope to get clearance soon,” an official said.
The initiative aims to encourage students to pursue scientific research beyond one-off projects and to inspire them through exposure to advanced scientific institutions. “The aim is to encourage students not to stop at one science project but to push them further into the world of scientific research,” Bhoyar said.
In a related move, the state government has recently increased the prize money for the winner of the state-level science project competition from Rs 5,000 to Rs 51,000, underlining its commitment to promoting innovation among young learners.
Education
Ministry of Education launches Viksit Bharat Buildathon 2025 to Ignite Innovation among School Students
The Ministry of Education today launched the Viksit Bharat Buildathon 2025, a nationwide innovation movement aimed at engaging school students across India. Organised by the Department of School Education & Literacy (DoSEL) in collaboration with Atal Innovation Mission, NITI Aayog, and AICTE, the initiative was formally unveiled with the release of its jingle and logo.
The event was attended by Secretary, Department of School Education & Literacy, Sanjay Kumar; Principal Director General, Press Information Bureau, Dhirendra Ojha; Chairman, AICTE, Prof. T. G. Sitharam; Vice Chairman, AICTE, Abhay Jere; Mission Director, AIM, NITI Aayog, Deepak Bagla; Additional Secretary, DoSEL, Dhiraj Sahu; along with senior officials of the Ministry, Kendriya Vidyalaya Sangathan, and Navodaya Vidyalaya Samiti.
Speaking on the occasion, the Education Minister said that the Viksit Bharat Buildathon, the largest-ever school hackathon, would further strengthen grassroots innovation by encouraging students to ideate and develop products around four themes: Vocal for Local, Atmanirbhar Bharat, Swadeshi, and Samriddhi. The initiative is expected to celebrate student-led innovations, drive a new wave of creativity in schools, and position the younger generation as key contributors to a self-reliant and developed India.
Sanjay Kumar, Secretary, DoSEL, presented a detailed overview of the Buildathon, outlining its potential to nurture innovation at scale across the country.
The Viksit Bharat Buildathon 2025 aims to inspire creative thinking for national development, foster self-reliance and sustainable growth, engage schools in synchronized innovation, and showcase India’s innovation capabilities globally. The event also aspires to set a potential world record while celebrating young problem-solvers at both national and international platforms. The initiative builds on the success of the School Innovation Marathon 2024, which resulted in programmes such as the Student Innovator Programme (SIP) and the Student Entrepreneurship Programme (SEP), along with patents and startups emerging from Atal Tinkering Labs.
The journey of the Buildathon begins today, September 23, with registrations open until October 6 on the Viksit Bharat Buildathon portal (https://vbb.mic.gov.in/). Schools will then undergo a preparation period from October 6 to October 13, during which teachers will guide student teams through the portal process. Students will subsequently submit their ideas and prototypes online. The highlight of the initiative, the Live Synchronized Innovation Event, will be held on October 13. Final entries will be accepted until October 31, followed by a two-month evaluation period from November 1 to December 31. The results and felicitation of the top 1,000 winners will be announced in January 2026.
A video on the Viksit Bharat Buildathon 2025 was screened during the launch, showcasing its themes and objectives.
As we approach closer to International Day of Democracy on 15 September, I note that too often it feels like a ceremonial date, there in the calendar, acknowledged in our social media posts or a few articles but rarely lived. This year feels different because of what we are witnessing just across the border in Nepal.
Over the past week, the country’s young people have stepped onto the streets in a movement that has already become one of the most remarkable democratic awakenings of recent times. Their demand is clear: an end to corruption and the beginning of accountable governance. What makes this moment extraordinary is not only the courage to speak up but the way in which they have chosen to act. They have nominated their own candidate for the prime minister’s office. They are marching in huge numbers yet also bending down to collect trash after the rallies. They are organising traffic, repairing roads, giving first aid to strangers. They are not tearing down a nation, they are stitching it back together in full public view.
This is the generation that adults so often accuse of being lethargic, self-absorbed, or distracted by screens. In Nepal, the same generation has shown that democracy can be reclaimed and rebuilt when the young decide to act with clarity and purpose. They are proving that democracy is not just a system of elections and slogans. It is a lived responsibility where every citizen must carry their share of the weight.
Modern protests look very different from those of the past. They are no longer confined to placards and sit-ins. They are physical and digital at once, fuelled by the energy of young people who know how to use social media not only to amplify outrage but also to organise, to mobilise, and to build communities of action.
The world has seen hashtags rise and fade like shooting stars. Nepal’s youth have gone beyond that. They are grounding their protest in discipline, service, and responsibility. That is what makes it impossible to ignore.
And why should this matter to us across the border?
For educators in India, there is a powerful reminder here. Democracy is only as strong as the awareness of its youngest citizens. A classroom that teaches civics as a dry subject but does not teach students how to live its values is missing the point. Critical thinking, civic sense, and media literacy are no longer optional add-ons. They are survival skills in a democracy that must constantly defend itself against apathy, misinformation, and abuse of power.
The message is not that Indian students must take to the streets at the first sign of discontent. The message is that they must never take their rights for granted. They must understand that those in power are always less powerful than the power of the people. Questioning authority with responsibility, demanding accountability without violence, and raising their voice when it matters most are not acts of rebellion. They are the beating heart of democracy.
Teachers, parents, and institutions often worry that if children are taught to question, they will lose respect for authority. Nepal’s youth are showing us that the opposite is true. When young people learn how to question responsibly, they do not weaken democracy. They strengthen it. They protect it. They ensure that it does not become an empty word.
On this International Day of Democracy, Nepal’s streets are giving us a lesson no textbook can. Democracy is not a static gift handed down by leaders. It is a daily act of participation, awareness, and responsibility. If we want India’s democracy to remain alive and resilient, our classrooms must prepare young people not only to dream about their future but also to defend the principles that make that future possible.
The tightening of student visa policies in the US and UK has created understandable anxiety among Indian families.
In the UK, the Graduate Route visa may be reduced from two years to 18 months for undergraduates and master’s graduates, while doctoral students may keep three years. Most taught master’s students can no longer bring dependents, the country has raised proof of funds by over 11%, moved to digital e-visas and tightened university compliance.
The US has proposed limiting the F-1 visa to a fixed four-year term, requiring extensions for longer programmes such as PhDs. Interview waivers have been eliminated, and third-country applications are no longer permitted. Backlogs at Indian consulates have worsened, and a new $250 Visa Integrity Fee will soon add to costs.
While complex, these changes reflect a global trend: governments are balancing immigration management with continued student flows. For Indian applicants, this means approaching the process with a sharper focus and stronger preparation.
What these changes mean for Indian students
The proposed cut of the Graduate Route visa to 18 months may cause concern, but this timeframe is enough to build career foundations, especially for students who engage early with employers. Restrictions on dependants may deter older applicants, but younger students will still find the UK attractive. The move to digital e-visas actually simplifies the verification process, while higher proof of funds requirements will require earlier financial planning. Additionally, English language changes should not affect Indian applicants, who already meet or exceed the required standards.
In the US, the proposed four-year F-1 limit introduces uncertainty for PhD students; yet, the country still offers unmatched academic choices, world-class research opportunities, and globally valued degrees. The loss of interview waivers, the ban on third-country applications and the new fee add costs and delays, but with early planning and budgeting, these hurdles are manageable. For many families, the academic ecosystem, extensive networks and long-term career benefits of a US education outweigh the administrative challenges.
How admissions counsellors and schools can guide students
Schools and counsellors now have a greater responsibility. Planning must begin early, whether preparing for tests, selecting courses or booking visa appointments, so backlogs and rule changes cause less disruption. Financial planning is equally critical, as higher UK proof of funds and new US fees make it essential to understand costs well in advance. Counsellors should also help students think long term, making strategic academic and career choices while exploring alternatives beyond the US and UK. With preparation and broad awareness, families can navigate uncertainty without losing sight of their goals.
Looking beyond the US and UK
These changes should not deter Indian families from considering the US or UK. Both remain prestigious destinations with world-class academic ecosystems. At the same time, I encourage families to keep alternatives in mind. Canada, Ireland, Australia and parts of Europe offer attractive post-study work options, while Singapore, Japan and the UAE are emerging as strong contenders closer to home.
In fact, at The Red Pen, pre-COVID, we saw families looking at an average of two destinations. This has now moved to 3.2. Keeping options open is a good idea.
Students can also explore new-age Indian universities such as Ashoka, Krea, Plaksha, FLAME and Jindal, which offer programmes on par with international standards. In addition, 12 global universities are opening campuses in India. While Deakin University, Wollongong University and the University of Southampton are already established, new entrants from 2026 include the Illinois Institute of Technology, University of Liverpool, Queen’s University Belfast, Coventry University, University of York, University of Western Australia, University of Aberdeen, Istituto Europeo di Design and Western Sydney University.
While tighter visa rules demand careful planning, expert guidance ensures that international education remains firmly within reach.
This article is authored by-
Namita Mehta- President and Partner, The Red Pen
Namita drives business growth and global partnerships at The Red Pen, representing the firm at international education forums and building key alliances, including a landmark collaboration with U.S. News & World Report. Recognised among BW Education’s 40 Under 40 and The PIE’s 50 Voices in Leadership, she has twice been shortlisted for the HerRising Awards. Namita has judged the PIE Education Awards, spoken at HSBC, Ashoka University, IC3 and Master’s Union, and contributed to leading publications such as Economic Times, Mint, Hindustan Times and The PIE News. She also serves on the advisory board of The Outreach Collective.
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