News
Right-Wing Education apparatus is increasingly clawing away at India
Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, the famous professor from Columbia University who runs 7 elementary schools in rural West Bengal has discovered to her dismay the steadily spreading Right-Wing education apparatus. These schools are channelling political support to the Hindu majority ruling party.
If a person or an authority were to say that a major right-wing educational agenda is being played out in the country today, rest assured the source of that comment will face vehement opposition and maybe violence too. For this reason, let us examine this claim from the lens of a neutral outsider who may not have an axe to grind.
Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, the famous professor from Columbia University, started the Pares Chandra and Sivani Chakravorty Memorial Literacy Project several years ago in the rural West Bengal district of Birbhum. Under the project the professor has started 7 elementary schools. The exercise was driven by the wish to expand the horizons of young people who derived little or no benefits from the modern state. Each year, Spivak makes a journey to the schools, and interacts with the students and the teachers to ensure the vitality of her project.
In her latest annual trip to Birbhum, Spivak was concerned with the growth of right-wing schools in India. These schools, she says, not only “choke the imagination,” but they also—more dangerously—produce a “genocidal nature” amongst the vulnerable students. In Birbhum itself, there are between 300-500 such right-wing schools points out Spivak.
In West Bengal, there are 2700 right-wing schools. Across India, there are an alarming 57,000 such schools. They are not spread out evenly, and clearly it is by design as they are opened in specific areas to target adivasis or tribals—those whose well-being has been neglected by the Indian Republic, and those who the Right has long considered as gullible. Santhals, a tribal community, form a considerable part of Birbhum’s rural areas. They are a target of the Right.
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which currently rules the country, came to power on the basis of a massive octopus-like network. Part of that network includes its schools, run by Vanvasi Kalyan Kendra (VKK) and Ekal Vidyalaya. Both the VKK and Ekal operate on the basis of community building where they first build physical schools, then hire locals to teach in them, and finally develop a local committee to run these schools. On the surface, this seems like an ideal situation of how education should be—local teachers, local control. However, Spivak says, this is merely a façade. In reality, these schools are invisibly controlled by the BJP and they disseminate the gospel of Hindutva.
What is Hindutva? It is a Hindu radical idea that claims that non-Hindus are foreigners and that “race pride” amongst Hindus should be developed. Such a curriculum is in direct contrast with what is being taught at Spivak’s schools.
Here is a description of these schools from central India where these schools are in vast numbers. These schools mainly target the tribals who had converted to Christianity, and whom the Right waned to bring back into its fold or home (ghar wapsi) to Hinduism. A similar agenda had been put into motion in Gujarat, India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s home state. Here, Modi’s adjutant Swami Aseemanand approached the Dangs region to convert Christian tribals to Hinduism, driving a hard anti-Muslim and anti-Christian agenda. Such is the efficient propaganda machine handled by the Hindutva right that they actually convinced the tribals that their own deity—Vanardeva—was actually the Mahabharata’s Hanuman. The brigade utilised cash and influence to build large Hanuman temples and destroy the older tribal shrines for Vanardeva. In 2006, the People’s Union for Civil Liberties pointed out that these organizations “targeted the tribal belts of the country to see that adivasis lose their identity, culture and traditions of worshipping nature by asserting that they are Hindus.”
But loss of identity is just the tip of the Hindutva Right’s agenda. Aseemanand’s followers diligently and systematically not only destroyed Vanardeva’s identity but also prevented fraternization between the young tribals and Muslims. It is increasingly concluded that violence is an integral and central part of the agenda.
Aseemanand later admitted being a member of a terrorist network that bombed trains—he further declared that he took orders from the Hindutva leadership. He has landed in prison, but expectedly his allegations are all in thin air today. People like Aseemanand are active today in the Hindutva web. The Justice Tewatia Commission on the 2002 anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat pointed out that “earlier in Gujarat, tribals never got involved in the Hindu-Muslim riots.” This time considerable numbers of tribals participated in the riots, killing Muslims in rural areas.
Spivak is rightly concerned. Like tribals elsewhere, the VKK and Ekal schools have gone after the traditions of the Santhals in Birbhum. That they have argued that the Santhals god—Marang Guru– is actually Shiva is eerily similar to their modus operandi from the past. The goal of equating the two deities is to convince the Santhals to see themselves as part of Hinduism and within the Hindutva fold.
Last year, there was a huge noise when Santhal Christians converted to Hinduism in a public ceremony. Naturally the event attracted media attention when journalist Sohini Chattopadhyay decided to visit a VKK school in Birbhum. She met Mohitosh Gole, the head of the eastern wing of the VKK. He was open with his prejudices. “Wherever there are Christians, there are anti-national activities,” he told Chattopadhyay. “And wherever Muslims are the majority community there are problems—social problems.” The schools make “students aware of these things.” There is an edge to his stories. “A Muslim will come to your house and you feed him, give them a room to stay, and then next day, they marry your daughter.” Such mindset is peddled freely in schools here. It produces a toxic social environment, one of fear and resentment.
These schools if viewed without any lenses are the infrastructure of the Right. They are spreading rapidly, there modus operandi is simple – teach their narrow and dangerous ideology, use modest amounts of money to build support through social services and then finally convert this into political power.
In both Gujarat and central India, the long-term work of the Right is now bearing fruits. Older nationalist and leftist parties have fallen by the wayside. When one asks, how the land of Gandhi (Gujarat) became the laboratory for the Hindutva Right, the answer lies —partly—in this educational infrastructure.
Spivak is rightly afraid and concerned for the future of West Bengal, which had been the bulwark against the Hindutva Right. These tentacles of Right violence, she says, will eventually undermine the political culture of West Bengal. “If West Bengal falls to the BJP,” she says, “then the movement in India against democracy will be completely dead.”
Image Courtesy: dawn.com
Despite India’s near-universal school enrolment at the primary level, the latest UNESCO Global Education Monitoring (GEM) Report 2024–25 paints a sobering picture of foundational learning and systemic leadership gaps in Indian education.
According to the report, over 95% of children in India are enrolled in primary school, yet basic learning outcomes remain dismal. ASER 2023 found that only 43% of Class 3 students could read a Class 2-level text, underscoring a national learning crisis.
While India boasts a 60% female workforce in elementary education, the leadership landscape tells a different story. Only 13% of vice-chancellors in central universities were women as of 2022, and formal principal training is absent in many Indian states despite NEP 2020’s mandate of 50 hours of annual professional development for school leaders.
This gender leadership gap reflects a global trend, with only 87 boys per 100 girls achieving minimum reading proficiency, and in middle-income nations like India, the number drops to 72 boys per 100 girls. The pandemic also reversed pre-COVID gains in gender parity for maths, with girls now underperforming in countries like Brazil, the UK, and Italy.
The GEM report also highlights bright spots. India’s policy commitment through NEP 2020 and innovative peer-mentorship pilots—like Delhi’s middle leadership model—demonstrate the potential of decentralised leadership to foster trust, collaboration, and improved school culture.
Global evidence cited by UNESCO shows that female-led schools in parts of Africa resulted in one full additional year of learning gain, proving that gender-inclusive leadership can enhance academic performance.
However, implementation remains inconsistent. Many leadership positions in India still lack transparent selection and promotion processes, and states fall short in meeting training targets. The digital divide, especially post-pandemic, has further deepened inequities, hitting girls in under-resourced regions the hardest.
What India Needs Next:
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Institutionalise mandatory leadership certifications.
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Accelerate women’s inclusion in senior roles.
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Shift focus from enrolment to outcome-driven learning metrics.
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Embed leadership training into teacher education.
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Scale up local mentorship models proven to work.
The UNESCO report is a reminder that enrolment alone cannot guarantee education quality. Bridging the gap between policy intent and on-ground implementation is critical if India is to transform its education system into one that is equitable, inclusive, and future-ready.
At a time when Artificial Intelligence (AI) headlines dominate global discourse, a quieter but more consequential conversation is unfolding in India’s education sector—one that cuts through the hype to explore whether AI is genuinely improving learning outcomes or just riding a wave of fascination.
In its latest article titled “Not Just Hype: What Investors Really Think About AI in Indian Education”, Entrepreneur India reported on insights shared by Ganapathy Venugopal, Co-founder & CEO of Axilor Ventures, at the IGIS 2025 forum. Offering a candid investor’s lens, Venugopal remarked, “We’ve seen plenty of hype around AI. But for us, it’s about where the real value lies—can it solve something fundamental, like India’s teacher-student gap?” According to him, the most investable AI tools are not the flashiest but the most functional—those that support teachers, amplify their effectiveness, and reach where human resources fall short.
Echoing this, Kobi Gal from Ben-Gurion University pointed out that while AI has democratised access to learning, it hasn’t yet changed the core of how we learn. “The education system remains rigid. AI can increase reach, yes, but transformation is still elusive,” he said.
India’s edtech sector is poised for growth with its vast K–12 student base and rapidly expanding internet access. However, a major challenge remains—only 24% of households have internet, per NSSO data. This makes Tier II–IV cities a key battleground for AI-powered learning tools. Investors are now shifting focus from “edtech” as a label to learning outcomes, engagement, and job-readiness, with AI viewed as an enabler rather than a product category.
Venugopal pointedly questioned current trends: “Are we building tools to complete homework, or to change how we learn?” His statement taps into the broader tension—between consumer-friendly shortcuts and pedagogically sound, scalable solutions.
At ScooNews Global Educators Fest (SGEF) 2023, this theme of AI with a conscience was also central. Held in Jaipur, the festival brought together educators, artists, and changemakers to discuss how artificial intelligence can serve—not replace—human values in education. Noted speakers like Lakshyaraj Singh Mewar, Rama Datt, and Padma Shri Anand Kumar reinforced the idea that technology must remain grounded in empathy, inclusivity, and purpose. A memorable moment was Anand Kumar’s speech on whether AI could ever truly replace a teacher’s role—a thought-provoking precursor to the investor sentiments voiced at IGIS 2025.
The conversation today is no longer about AI replacing the classroom, but enhancing it. With investor confidence growing in tools that support hybrid delivery models, regional customisation, and lifelong learning, the sector appears headed toward a more sustainable future.
Yet, Venugopal issued a final word of caution: “We look at sectors where demand is unquestionable and the cost of not solving the problem is high. Education in India fits that bill. But we must build with humility—and rigour.”
As India’s AI-powered education future unfolds, investors, educators, and innovators alike seem to agree: the goal is not disruption for disruption’s sake, but designing systems that serve learners in meaningful, measurable ways.
📌 Stay tuned for SGEF 2025 — This year, we gather under the theme: “Purpose-Driven Education: Designing for Future Realities.” Explore how we can reimagine school curricula to align with the evolving needs of our society and the professional world. Register here
The Department of School Education & Literacy (DoSEL), Ministry of Education, observed World No Tobacco Day on 31st May 2025 with a national workshop held at Rang Bhawan, Akashvani Bhawan. Inaugurated by Sanjay Kumar, Secretary, DoSEL, the event convened key stakeholders from the Ministries of Health, Home Affairs, NCERT, CBSE, UNODC, and State representatives, alongside students, civil society members, and domain experts.
During the workshop, Kumar launched the Nationwide School Challenge on Tobacco Awareness on the MyGov platform, set to begin on 10th June 2025. Aimed at student engagement, the initiative encourages schools across India to lead awareness campaigns. Participants also took the No-Tobacco Pledge, underscoring the shared responsibility of educators and communities in protecting students from tobacco exposure.
Kumar highlighted the alarming influence of tobacco advertising on youth and emphasised the importance of proactive involvement from School Management Committees (SMCs), parents, and local bodies to create tobacco-free campuses. Additional Secretary Anandrao V. Patil reinforced this message in his keynote, focusing on student health, well-being, and preventive education.
Other key speakers included CBSE Chairperson Rahul Singh, who spoke on the integration of health and wellness modules in schools, and Economic Advisor A. Srija, who stressed inter-sectoral collaboration for effective implementation of Tobacco-Free Educational Institutions (ToFEI) Guidelines.
Technical sessions covered mental health (Manodarpan), life skills education (Navchetna), the School Health Programme, and digital monitoring of ToFEI compliance. Experts from NCERT, CBSE, UNODC, and the Ministry of Health & Family Welfare contributed insights on embedding wellness in school ecosystems.
State nodal officers from Chandigarh, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, and Puducherry presented best practices—from dental health drives to creative student engagement tools like comics and animation. Efforts to contextualise ToFEI manuals in regional languages were also shared.
The workshop concluded with a call for consistent monitoring, awareness campaigns, and holistic health education to build tobacco-free, safe learning environments.
A recent report by The Indian Express reveals a worrisome shift in India’s school enrolment patterns—more students are opting for private institutions, even in states with a robust network of government schools. During meetings held by the Ministry of Education with state officials in March–April 2025 to discuss projects under the Samagra Shiksha scheme, the Centre flagged this as a “disturbing trend.”
In states like Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, and Uttarakhand, the enrolment in unaided private schools has consistently risen despite government schools forming the majority in number. For instance, in Andhra Pradesh, 73% of schools are government-run, yet they account for just 46% of total student enrolment. Similarly, Telangana’s government schools form 70% of total schools but educate only 38% of students, compared to nearly 61% in private schools.
This trend isn’t isolated. Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Maharashtra, and several northeastern states have also reported declining numbers in government school enrolment. The Union Ministry has urged states to reverse this decline, citing the need for introspection and reform. In Tamil Nadu, for example, government schools make up 64% of the total but serve just 37% of the student population.
Interestingly, some states have responded by conducting Aadhaar-based “data cleansing” to explain the drops. Still, the Centre believes deeper, systemic issues—such as rising aspirations and perceptions of quality—are driving families towards private schooling.
The concern goes beyond statistics. According to UDISE+ 2023–24 data, 36% of total school enrolment in India (over 9 crore students) is now in private schools. In 2022–23, it was 33%. Pre-pandemic figures already indicated this steady rise.
Where Do Government Schools Go From Here?
The falling trust in government schools paints a grim picture—especially when education budgets face cuts and systemic reform remains slow. However, all is not lost. States like Madhya Pradesh are setting examples through initiatives like the CM Rise Schools, which aim to rejuvenate public education with upgraded infrastructure, teacher training, and modern pedagogy.
But such success stories remain scattered. Without strong policy backing, increased funding, and public support, the future of government schooling appears uncertain. In an era of aggressive privatisation—be it formal schooling or the booming coaching industry—government schools risk being sidelined unless urgently revitalised.
Why must they survive? Because they remain the only accessible option for millions, especially in rural and marginalised communities. They are not just institutions—they’re vehicles of social equity, offering a shot at mobility to those who may otherwise be left behind.
Education
Over 10,000 Unrecognised Schools in Bihar, Jharkhand: Education Ministry Flags Violation of RTE Act
In a startling revelation, the Ministry of Education has flagged that over 10,000 unrecognised schools are operating in Bihar and Jharkhand, enrolling more than 1.6 million students and employing over 88,000 teachers—despite being in violation of the Right to Education (RTE) Act, 2009.
Jharkhand has the highest number of unrecognised schools in India, with 5,879 such institutions enrolling over 8.3 lakh students and staffed by more than 46,000 teachers. Bihar follows with 4,915 unrecognised schools, catering to over 7.7 lakh students and 42,000 teachers.
These figures emerged during the 2025-26 Project Approval Board (PAB) meetings under the Samagra Shiksha scheme, held earlier this year. The Ministry stated that the existence of these schools goes against Section 19 of the RTE Act, which mandates that all pre-existing schools meet prescribed norms within three years of the Act’s implementation. Failure to comply should lead to withdrawal of recognition and closure of the institutions.
The Ministry has directed both states to take appropriate action, either by recognising these schools through proper channels or by ensuring their closure in accordance with legal norms. Notably, Jharkhand’s education department has formed district-level recognition committees and claims that many of these schools began operations before the RTE Act came into effect.
Additionally, the Ministry raised concerns over discrepancies in data regarding Out-of-School Children (OoSC). For 2023–24, Jharkhand reported 37,409 OoSC on the PRABANDH portal, whereas the NSSO survey for 2022–23 recorded 1,07,639 ‘never enrolled’ children aged 6–14. In Bihar, the contrast was even more stark: 33,285 OoSC on PRABANDH versus 6.27 lakh ‘never enrolled’ according to NSSO.
To address this gap, the Ministry has advised strict data monitoring and called for special enrolment drives, with full support from School Management Committees (SMCs), to bring every child back into the education system.
Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan delivered the valedictory address at the PadhAI: Conclave on AI in Education, held in New Delhi and organised by the Centre of Policy Research and Governance (CPRG). The two-day conclave brought together senior policymakers, educationists, and technology experts to discuss the growing role of artificial intelligence in reshaping India’s education landscape.
In his address, Pradhan emphasised that artificial intelligence is not merely a technological tool, but a transformative force and a catalyst for innovation in education. “AI is a bridge between empathy and technology,” he said, underlining the need for India’s human intelligence to take the lead in the global AI revolution.
The Minister highlighted several initiatives undertaken by the government to promote AI in education, including the establishment of Centres of Excellence in AI and plans to promote AI integration in Indian languages. He stressed that leveraging AI to foster critical thinking in classrooms was no longer optional but essential, marking a transition from “chalkboards to chipsets.”
He also called upon academicians and technologists to collaborate on policy suggestions that would enable India to responsibly and effectively integrate AI in school and higher education systems.
The conclave featured a series of panel discussions and keynote addresses exploring how AI is transforming classroom teaching, expanding learning beyond the four walls, and the structural challenges that need to be addressed for effective implementation.
Notable speakers included Jitin Prasada, Minister of State for Commerce & Industry and Electronics & IT; Ashish Sood, Minister for Education and Higher Education, Delhi; Vineet Joshi, Secretary, Department of Higher Education and Chairperson, UGC; Abhishek Singh, CEO, IndiaAI Mission; Pankaj Arora, Chairperson, NCTE; Anil Sahasrabudhe, Chairman, NETF; Yogesh Singh, Vice Chancellor, University of Delhi; Sanjeev Bikhchandani, Co-founder, Info Edge; and Rashmi Das, Chairperson, Higashi Autism School.
The event concluded with a call for increased collaboration between the public and private sectors to harness AI for inclusive and accessible education.
In a significant development for India’s higher education sector, the University of Liverpool—one of the United Kingdom’s most prestigious academic institutions and a member of the Russell Group—has announced plans to establish its first international campus in Bengaluru. The university aims to commence operations by 2026.
This marks the first time a Russell Group university, often likened to the Ivy League for UK higher education, will set up a physical campus in India. Known for its world-class research and academic rigour, the University of Liverpool was founded in 1881 and has produced nine Nobel laureates. Its entry into the Indian education landscape is expected to bolster the globalisation of Indian higher education and widen access to top-tier international programmes.
Initially, the Bengaluru campus will offer undergraduate and postgraduate courses in Business Management, Accounting and Finance, Computer Science, Biomedical Sciences, and Game Design—making it the first UK university to offer these programmes from within India. The range of disciplines is expected to expand over time.
Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah hailed the development as a “landmark moment” in the state’s educational journey. “For many years, our brightest minds left the country to study abroad. Today, a top global university is choosing to come here,” he said, adding that the government would ensure full support through policy and infrastructure.
In a move to bridge industry and academia, the university also signed an MoU with Bengaluru-based IT major Wipro to collaborate on research, innovation, and skill-building programmes.
Delhi University’s Executive Council (EC) has approved sweeping curriculum revisions that have sparked sharp protests from faculty members, igniting a fresh debate over academic freedom, ideological influence, and the future of higher education in India. The changes, ratified during the EC’s 1,275th meeting, affect multiple departments including Psychology, Sociology, and English, and introduce new programmes in journalism and nuclear medicine.
Among the most contentious shifts is the removal of conflict-based case studies from the Psychology of Peace paper. Case references to Kashmir, Palestine, India-Pakistan relations, and the Northeast have been replaced with conflict-resolution examples drawn from Indian epics like the Mahabharata and Bhagavad Gita. Similarly, a Sociology paper has dropped foundational thinkers like Karl Marx and Thomas Robert Malthus, along with key sections such as the Sociology of Food and the critical lens on the Sociology of Law.
Faculty members are sounding the alarm. As per a story in Business Standard, EC member and Associate Professor at Kirori Mal College, Rudrashish Chakraborty, called the changes “a complete disregard for disciplinary expertise” and warned they could severely damage DU’s global academic standing.
At the heart of the backlash is a deeper concern about ideological overreach in curriculum design. Critics say the move replaces rigorous, research-based frameworks with selectively religious narratives, undermining the pluralism that once defined Indian academia.
Why These Topics Were in the Curriculum in the First Place
Incorporating geopolitical issues like Kashmir and Palestine in social science syllabi wasn’t about courting controversy—it was about helping students understand conflict, diplomacy, and peace-building through lived realities. Scholars like Marx and Malthus, often labelled as ideologues, contributed frameworks that shaped global discourse on inequality, population, labour, and social justice. To erase them from academic memory is not just selective—it’s intellectually dishonest.
Their inclusion wasn’t about promoting one ideology over another but about exposing students to a spectrum of thought. If academic institutions stop encouraging intellectual plurality, they risk becoming echo chambers that simply mirror prevailing politics.
What Could Have Been Done Differently
If the aim was truly to Indianise or decolonise the curriculum—as has been cited in many recent reforms—it could have been done with scholarly rigour. Including Indian thinkers alongside global ones, offering critical engagement rather than replacement, and developing interdisciplinary modules that draw on Indian social realities would have strengthened rather than diluted the curriculum.
A meaningful curriculum reform should be inclusive, consultative, and pedagogically sound. Instead, these changes appear abrupt and top-down, with several faculty members alleging they were not adequately consulted. As one member remarked, “Modernisation cannot come at the cost of academic autonomy.”
The counter to a whitewashed curriculum should not be to do the exact opposite. Figures like Karl Marx are not just ideologists; their legacies extend beyond nation-states. They presented global ideas that remain relevant to Indian society, especially in an age grappling with inequality and labour rights.
And religion—while an important part of many societies—must never dominate education policy. When one faith is elevated in academic materials meant for students of all backgrounds, it chips away at the secular fabric of our democracy.
Replacing complex geopolitical issues with religious scripture is not only pedagogically flawed—it’s, frankly, a dangerous precedent.
New Programmes and Policy Decisions
Beyond the curriculum overhaul, DU has also announced the launch of a two-year M.A. in Journalism in both Hindi and English, and a BSc in Nuclear Medicine Technology, to be offered at the Army Hospital (R&R) for Armed Forces Medical Services personnel. The EC also introduced a new policy for determining teacher seniority, with age taking precedence over API scores when qualifications are equal.
A committee has been constituted to assess the implications of a DoPT circular mandating periodic review of employees aged 50 and above—raising concerns about forced retirement policies within the university system.
As the NEP rollout moves ahead, universities like DU need to walk the path wisely. Reforms should fuel learning, not push a story. Education isn’t meant to box students into ideologies—it’s meant to open minds, spark debate, and shape citizens who can think for themselves. Our classrooms should dig deeper, not go narrow. We can’t afford to swap knowledge for one-sided thinking.
Education
CBSE Directs Schools to Map Mother Tongues, Pushes for Multilingual Classrooms in Foundational Years
In a significant step towards multilingual education, the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) has issued a directive asking all affiliated schools to begin mapping the mother tongues of students from pre-primary to Class 5. The move aligns with the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and the National Curriculum Framework for School Education (NCFSE) 2023, both of which advocate for the use of the child’s home language in early education.
In a circular dated May 22, CBSE encouraged schools to adopt the child’s mother tongue—or a familiar regional language referred to as R1—as the medium of instruction, particularly from pre-primary to Class 2. From Classes 3 to 5, students may either continue with R1 or be introduced to a second language (R2) for instruction.
While CBSE has previously recommended the use of mother tongue in classrooms, this circular signals a stronger push, potentially paving the way for it to become compulsory in the future. The Board has advised schools to start aligning their academic content with this change by the end of the summer break, although a flexible timeline has been offered.
The rationale behind this shift is grounded in research: young children grasp concepts better when taught in the language they speak at home. With NEP and NCFSE both promoting concept-based, multilingual learning, CBSE’s decision aims to make foundational education more accessible and meaningful.
To support this transition, schools are required to form NCF implementation committees by the end of May. These teams will oversee language mapping, adapt teaching materials, and coordinate teacher training for multilingual education. Starting in July, schools must also submit monthly progress reports, and academic observers may visit institutions to offer feedback and support.
NCERT has already made textbooks for Classes 1 and 2 available in 22 Indian languages, with higher-grade translations underway. The aim is clear—bring the school closer to the home, linguistically and emotionally, for India’s youngest learners.
Education
Ministry of Education Launches Month-Long Nationwide Drive to Make Schools and Colleges Tobacco-Free
In a decisive step to protect students from the dangers of tobacco and substance abuse, the Ministry of Education has launched a nationwide enforcement campaign urging all States and Union Territories to make educational institutions completely tobacco- and substance-free zones. The announcement follows the 8th Apex Committee meeting of the Narco-Coordination Centre (NCORD), chaired by the Ministry of Home Affairs, which highlighted the urgent need to safeguard India’s youth.
The Department of School Education and Literacy (DoSEL), through Secretary Sanjay Kumar, has called for strict implementation of the Tobacco-Free Educational Institutions (ToFEI) guidelines. This month-long enforcement drive will begin on May 31, 2025—World No Tobacco Day—and continue until June 26, 2025, which marks the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking.
The move comes at a time when rising tobacco use among adolescents has become a growing concern. According to the Global Youth Tobacco Survey (GYTS-2), 2019, over 8.5% of Indian students aged 13–15 use tobacco in some form, and shockingly, 5,500 children in India start using tobacco every day. Studies have shown that tobacco is often a gateway to more dangerous forms of substance abuse, and its easy availability around schools further adds to the challenge.
To combat this, the ToFEI guidelines mandate a comprehensive nine-point action plan for schools and colleges, which includes the display of signage, awareness campaigns, inclusion of tobacco policies in the school code of conduct, and nominating tobacco monitors. However, two key activities that demand immediate support from local authorities are:
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Marking a yellow line 100 yards around all educational institutions to designate them as tobacco-free zones.
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Ensuring no tobacco sales within that 100-yard radius, in line with Section 6(b) of the Cigarettes and Other Tobacco Products Act (COTPA), 2003.
Local enforcement agencies have been urged to work with school authorities to implement these measures on the ground. A previous advisory from the Ministry of Home Affairs in November 2024 had already reinforced the need for strict action on these fronts.
The Ministry has also appealed for the involvement of teachers, parents, and School Management Committees (SMCs) in creating safer environments for students. Schools are encouraged to report any violations to the local police and help enforce the guidelines without fear of repercussions. States have been advised to develop a Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) to facilitate this process.
To raise awareness, the Ministry has launched the ‘World No Tobacco Day Awareness Quiz – 2025’ on the MyGov platform. Open from May 22 to July 21, the quiz is aimed at students, educators, and the general public to educate them about the dangers of tobacco in an engaging and informative way.
Link: https://quiz.mygov.in/quiz/world-no-tobacco-day-awareness-quiz/
As India strives to harness its youthful demographic for a healthier and brighter future, the Ministry’s campaign is a call to action—urging all stakeholders to come together and make educational spaces truly safe, healthy, and drug-free.
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